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Chief Obafemi Awolowo and the fabric of Nigeria’s history and society

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Awolowo

By Sabella Ogbobode Abidde,

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As a scholar, I have always wanted to edit or co-edit a book on the Big Ten of Nigerian nationalists, focusing on their lives, times, and generational impact from the nineteenth to the twenty-first century.

Also read: Abolish state of origin: A prerequisite for true national integration

An august list would include greats such as Aminu Kano, Herbert Macaulay, Nnamdi Azikiwe, Alvan Ikoku, Anthony Enahoro, Ahmadu Bello, Egbert Udo Udoma, Tafawa Balewa, Obafemi Awolowo, Eyo Ita, and Nnamdi Azikiwe. Two or more scholarly volumes would be ready before I bid farewell to my academic career.

But for now, this column briefly sheds light on a philosopher and mystic, who was also a political and economic giant: Chief Obafemi Awolowo.

His impact is multigenerational and wondrously woven into the fabric of Nigeria’s history, culture, and society.

Publicly available records indicate that the Nigerian nationalist movement began in the 1920s (Awolowo was born in 1909), so he had forebearers in the movement.

He later became one of the movement’s central figures, and by independence in October 1960, he had perhaps become the dominant personality shaping Nigeria’s political development and economic growth.

Awolowo was also a federalist. The first Premier of the Western region of Nigeria. The founder of the Yoruba nationalist group Egbe Omo Oduduwa.

He was the leader of the Action Group (AG), a political party and an opposition leader in the federal parliament, from 1959 to 1963.

A noted lawyer, author, journalist, and the founder and publisher of the Nigerian Tribune newspaper.

And in later years, under the first military regime, he served as the federal commissioner for finance and as vice chairman of the Federal Executive Council during the Nigerian-Biafran Civil War, 1967-1970.

Much later, Awolowo founded the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) and became the party’s presidential candidate in 1979 and 1983.

The consensus was that, on both occasions – especially in 1979 – the electoral body, acting at the behest of the then military regime, put its foot and thumb on the ballot-counting machines to the detriment of Awolowo.

In other words, those who voted didn’t count; the military counted and secured the votes for their preferred candidate.

Those officially sanctioned electoral irregularities, many Nigerians have asserted, partially account for why Nigeria has remained politically and economically miserable and socially chaotic in the years since.

And in the years since his passing, many of the so-called Awoists — men and women who claimed to be adherents and practitioners of his precepts — have fallen by the wayside.

They failed! By 1997, one rarely finds a school of politicians parading themselves as students of or members of the Awolowo Cathedral.

In the second decade of the twenty-first century, many politicians lack the impudence to call themselves Awoists.

The irony is that in the northern part of Nigeria, one can rarely find a pool of politicians who, today, adhere to the teachings and practices of Mallam Aminu Kano. And in the east, there are no more followers of Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe.

Many politicians, from the east to the west, from the north to the south, and from the middle belt to the south-south, have done away with ethics, morality, ideology, or remaining faithful to their political parties.

Most no longer care about party manifestos or going to the State House, National Assembly, or the Presidency with the people’s burden on their hearts or shoulders.

In public or in private, participants in the Nigerian political and economic space think nothing about integrity, posterity, nation-building, or national interest. It is mostly about self-interest now.

That is what Nigeria has become! Many of the good, effective, efficient, visionary, and purposeful Nigerians are in hiding, while the audaciously corrupt are masters of the game, leaders at various levels of governance.

And we expect to change for the better? Heck no! It is a painful three-ring circus at all three levels.

I do not for once contend that the Federal Republic of Nigeria is a lost cause, a lost experiment, a lost entity, or a forsaken project. No! It can be saved; it can be brought back from the edge of the cliff.

And I also do not for once think that Nigeria should be partitioned into three or four separate countries.

Oh, no! I believe that sustained, first-rate, courageous, and visionary leadership can turn the Nigerian ship around. It is doable. This is not a hopeless country. It is not!

Many of the institutions Awolowo built are still going strong. Many of his policies have been proven right and correct. Many of his teachings have been found to be the appropriate panaceas for Nigeria.

And many of the physical infrastructure projects he built lasted for more than four decades.

And so, imagine where Nigeria would be today on the development scale – on the same level as Taiwan, South Korea, New Zealand, China, and Australia? Or the oil-rich Middle East countries.

Not having Chief Obafemi Awolowo as the president of this federation set her back three to four decades.

Examined dispassionately, his economic and political achievements have yet to be rivaled for several decades after his premiership of the western region, and neither has his commissionership (now minister) of the finance portfolio.

He was good, he was great, and he was miles above his contemporaries in the development of their various regions and in their generational legacies.

Without Awolowo’s policies, much of southern Nigeria – especially the western region — would perhaps be one of the least developed in today’s Nigeria.

Directly and indirectly, Awolowo was the man who made it possible for millions of Nigerians and their offspring to dream of and have a better life.

He promised, he delivered; he built and encouraged others, such as Michael Adekunle Ajasin (Ondo State), Lateef Kayode Jakande (Lagos State), Bola Ige (Oyo State), and Olabisi Onabanjo (Ogun State), to be builders.

If General Yakubu Dan-Yumma Gowon was the most consequential military leader Nigeria has ever had, Chief Obafemi Jeremiah Oyeniyi Awolowo, was the single most consequential leader and public figure beginning with his premiership in 1954.

Above all else, he was a family man, a good man, a good Nigerian, and a Pan-Africanist. He was better than most and far better than we thought. That’s Awo for you, a man who’s woven into our consciousness.

Also read: Abolish state of origin: A prerequisite for true national integration

Chief Obafemi Awolowo would have been 117 this year, but he died at 78 in 1987 at his home in Ikenne, Ogun State. Chief Hannah Idowu Dideolu Awolowo, affectionally called HID, was Awolowo’s “jewel of inestimable value.” He had said of her: “I do not hesitate to confess that I owe my success in life to three factors: the Grace of God, a Spartan self-discipline, and a good wife. Our home is to all of us, a true haven; a place of happiness, and of imperturbable seclusion from the buffetings of life.” HID was born in Ikenne, in1915 and passed in 2015 in the same locality. She was 99. It was a union and a marriage that lasted for five glorious decades.

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Oyo 2027: Inside the Alli-Adedeji Ticket and the ‘2 for 1’ Strategy

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Oyo

By Seun Oloketuyi,

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The All Progressives Congress in Oyo State has settled on a two-man ticket for the 2027 governorship election, with Senator Sharafadeen Abiodun Alli as its candidate and Hon. Adesoji Michael Adedeji as his running mate.

Also read: Onaiyekan Urges Nigeria to End Election Rigging, Political Abuse

The two were formally presented on July 2, 2026, in Ibadan, where Alli also received the party’s nomination form.

Since then, one phrase has followed the ticket: “two for the price of one.” It is a simple description, but there is some thinking behind the pairing.

Who is Adesoji Adedeji?

At 46, Adesoji Adedeji is the younger half of the ticket. He studied Economics at Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, and is from Iwo-Ate in Ogo Oluwa Local Government Area of Oyo State, in the Ogbomoso zone.

He is also the younger brother of Dr Zacch Adedeji, Executive Chairman of the Nigeria Revenue Service.That family connection has brought some attention to his emergence, but the APC ticket also gives Adedeji an opportunity to build his own political profile.

Unlike Alli, who has spent years in politics and currently represents Oyo South in the Senate, Adedeji is relatively new to elective politics. His emergence therefore brings a younger face and a different background to the ticket.

There is also the question of geography.
Alli is from Ibadan, while Adedeji comes from Ogo Oluwa. In a state where the different zones often feature prominently in political calculations, that is part of what makes the pairing notable.

Why ‘2 for 1’?

The idea behind the phrase is fairly straightforward.
On one side is Alli, a politician with years of experience in public office. On the other is Adedeji, a younger candidate with an Economics background and a different professional experience. Then there is the geographical spread.

Ibadan has long been a major centre of political activity in Oyo State. Adedeji’s roots in the Ogbomoso axis allow the APC to present the ticket as one that extends beyond the state capital.

Whether that will translate into votes is another matter. For now, the choice gives the party a ticket that brings different parts of the state into the same political arrangement.

What Adedeji says he wants

Since emerging as Alli’s running mate, Adedeji has also spoken about some of the issues he wants the ticket to address. At a stakeholders’ meeting, he talked about improving infrastructure across Oke-Ogun, Ogbomoso, Ibarapa, Oyo and other parts of the state.

He also spoke about the need for functional hospitals in every local government and greater financial and administrative autonomy for local councils.“Every local government will receive all that is due to them,” he said.

The message is centred largely on taking development beyond the major urban areas and ensuring that local communities also benefit from government programmes.

The politics behind the pairing

Adedeji’s emergence came after Alli secured the APC governorship ticket in a primary that featured several notable aspirants, including former Deputy Governor Rauf Olaniyan, Akeem Agbaje and former Minister of Power, Chief Adebayo Adelabu. The primary has ended, but bringing the party together after a contest involving several interests is now part of the work ahead. That was evident at the unveiling, where party leaders repeatedly stressed the need for unity.

Oyo APC Chairman, Chief Moses Alake Adeyemo, called on party members to put their differences aside and work towards the 2027 election. “By the grace of God, come May 29, 2027, our governor and deputy governor will be Senator Sharafadeen Alli and Hon. Adesoji Adedeji,” he said.

Alli also called on his former opponents and their supporters to work with the party’s ticket. The task now goes beyond simply presenting the two candidates.

Alli and Adedeji will have to bring their different backgrounds together and show party members and voters across the state how they intend to work as a team.

Two Men, One Ticket
So, what exactly does the APC have in Alli and Adedeji?

It has a sitting senator with years of political experience and a younger running mate from a different part of the state. It has Ibadan and Ogo Oluwa. And it has two men with different professional and political backgrounds coming together on the same ticket. That is where the “2 for 1” description comes from.

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But a slogan is only one part of a political campaign. Alli and Adedeji will still have to explain what they want to do with the mandate they are seeking and how their plans would work across Oyo State. For now, the APC has made its choice.
The next stage is taking that ticket to the people.

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Ogun 2027: Equity, performance and the road ahead

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Ogun

By Sola Fajobi,

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The governorship contest for Ogun State in 2027 has officially begun.

INEC has blown the whistle, full campaigns have started, and anyone who lives, does business, or has family in Ogun State knows the political space is fully activated.

Also read: Nigeria’s Press Freedom Under Pressure as Civic Violations Rise

The billboards are up, the consultations are nightly, and the debates in beer parlours, market stalls and WhatsApp groups are getting intense.

I write from Lagos, but with business and family interests across Abeokuta, Ijebu-Ode, and Ota, Ogun politics is not abstract to me. It affects my daily reality.

At the centre of this unfolding drama are two leading contenders whose names dominate every conversation.

The Two Leading Contenders

First is Senator Solomon Olamilekan Adeola, popularly known as Yayi. A three-term federal lawmaker, from Lagos West to Ogun West, and currently Chairman of the Senate Appropriation Committee.

Yayi is known for a very unusual brand of senatorial representation – heavily focused on facilitation of projects and mass empowerment programmes across all wards of Ogun West. He has built a reputation as a highly networked politician with a formidable structure across the state.

Second is Hon. Oladipupo Adebutu, widely known as Lado. A thoroughbred Ogun politician. Member of the House of Representatives in the early 90s, governorship candidate of the PDP in 2019 and 2023, and a grassroots mobilizer with deep roots in Remo.

He is from Iperu-Remo, the same town as the incumbent Governor, Prince Dapo Abiodun. As the son of Sir Kessington Adebukunola Adebutu, a man whose philanthropic footprint is legendary across Nigeria, Lado brings both political experience and enormous goodwill.

Both men are experienced, both are prepared, and by all indications, both have the financial capacity to run a full-scale governorship campaign across 236 wards. This is not going to be a contest for the faint-hearted.

The Noise Around Nativity

One narrative that has unfortunately dominated the last few weeks is the question of nativity.

Whispers about where a candidate’s father was buried, where he originally hails from, and whether he is truly from Ogun State.

I think this is a disservice to Ogun people. Ogun State, the cradle of the educated elite in Nigeria, has always voted based on capacity and promise, not narrow identity politics.

During a visit to Abeokuta recently, I overheard a conversation among some young graduates that summarized the mood of many.

Their point was simple: they have seen tangible empowerment programmes executed by Senator Yayi as a serving Senator in Ogun West, and they are more interested in who can scale that to the entire state than in debates about origin.

Whether one supports Yayi or Lado, we must agree that Ogun people deserve an issues-based campaign.

The two leading candidates have a responsibility to tell their supporters to focus on manifestos, not personal attacks. That is the Ogun way.

The Deeper Conversation: Equity and Zoning

If we move past the noise, Ogun faces a deeper, more structural conversation – equity.

Let us look at history:

– 1979-1983: Chief Olabisi Onabanjo – Ogun East (Ijebu)
– 1992-1993: Chief Olusegun Osoba – Ogun Central (Egba)
– 1999-2003: Chief Olusegun Osoba again – Ogun Central
– 2003-2011: Otunba Gbenga Daniel – Ogun East (Ijebu)
– 2011-2019: Senator Ibikunle Amosun – Ogun Central (Egba)
– 2019-Date: Prince Dapo Abiodun – Ogun East (Remo/Iperu)

Ogun State was created in February 1976. About 50 years after its creation, Ogun West – the Yewa-Awori zone comprising 5 local governments with huge industrial potential in Ota/Agbara and massive agricultural land in Imeko, Ipokia and Yewa North – has never produced a Governor.

This is not a small statistic. It is a historical imbalance.

This is where the Iperu question becomes unavoidable. If Governor Abiodun, who is from Iperu-Remo in Ogun East, completes his term in 2027, how do we justify another Governor from the same town, Iperu, immediately succeeding him? Even within Ogun East, there are Ijebu, Remo North, Shagamu, and other areas who would also feel shortchanged.

Can one town produce two Governors back-to-back in a diverse state of four divisions? That question bothers many neutral stakeholders I have spoken to.

Philanthropy, Structure and Performance

Hon. Adebutu has undeniable strengths. He is a grassroots politician who understands Ogun East politics deeply. He has been consistent since 1992, and he has shown resilience.

He also carries the enormous goodwill of the Adebutu family name – a family that has given so much to education, sports and employment in Ogun State. For many, supporting Lado is a way of appreciating Sir Kessington Adebutu’s decades of philanthropy.

Senator Adeola on the other hand brings a different strength – a record of what he did with the legislative power he had.

His model in Ogun West has been to turn a senatorial district office into a quasi-development agency – facilitating schools, ICT centres, market support schemes, bursaries, and training programmes. For many outside Ogun West, the question is: can this model be scaled to the whole state?

Interestingly, both offer different answers to the same question Ogun people are asking: Who can create jobs for our graduates, fix our rural roads in Ogun East, address insecurity on our farmlands in Yewa, bring order to our industrial hubs in Ogun Central, and truly empower our market women?

*My Final Take*

I have friends in both campaigns and I respect both candidates. Both have paid their dues and both are eminently qualified to aspire to lead Ogun State.

But Ogun State at this junction must make a choice that goes beyond individual ambition. It must make a choice about inclusion, about fairness, and about performance.

For about 50 years, Ogun West has waited. The agitation for Ogun West to produce the next Governor is not just about Yayi, it is about giving every part of Ogun a sense of belonging in the Gateway State project.

At the same time, Ogun needs a Governor who has shown empathy, who has shown he can use public office to touch ordinary people even before becoming Governor, and who can work tirelessly across all zones.

Also read: Nigeria’s Press Freedom Under Pressure as Civic Violations Rise

I leave Ogun people to judge who best fits that description.

Let Ogun choose wisely.

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Interrogating Tinubu’s recurring absence at the UN General Assembly…

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Tinubu

By Bola BOLAWOLE,

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President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s decision to skip the ongoing 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly, the third such abstention in a row, has raised eyebrows and sparked speculations.

Also read: Governor Dauda Lawal Approves 95% Salary Increase for Health Workers

Expectedly, opposition politicians have wasted no time in feasting on the official announcement that the vice-president, Kashim Shettima, will, once again, stand in for the president.

This trumps an earlier announcement by Jimoh Ibrahim, the country’s Ambassador to the United States/Permanent Representative to the United Nations, that not only would the president attend the annual meeting of world leaders at the UN headquarters in New York, USA, but that a vantage position had been secured for him to sit very close to the maverick United States’ president, Donald Trump!

Since he assumed the country’s leadership in 2023, Tinubu has yet to attend a single UNGA meeting; so also has he yet to pay either official or private visit to the United States despite that he has reportedly embarked, so far, on 52 foreign trips. He has visited at least 30 different countries across Europe, Asia, Africa, and the Americas, spending approximately 261 days.

As we speak, the president is out of the country on holidays, first to the UK after which he is expected in France. So, is there anything that aileth Tinubu about the United States? That is where the speculation begins; however, it does not end there!

Is President Tinubu deliberately avoiding the United States? Has it got anything to do with the unending controversy and legal battles over the FBI files and Tinubu’s past activities in the United States? He schooled there; he also worked there before returning to Nigeria decades back.

During the giddy days of the Sani Abacha military dictatorship, the US provided succour and a safe haven for Tinubu and many other pro-democracy activists. What has since changed is the question to ask if the suspicion is that the president is deliberately avoiding the United States.

Or has it got anything to do with the unpredictability of President Trump and the activities of anti-Tinubu politicians here at home and the paid groups doing their bidding in the US? Who dare put anything beyond a president that organized the storming, arrest, and rendition of a sitting foreign leader, hauling him and his wife to the US for trial on drug-related charges, with the country of the leader concerned and the international community as a whole helpless to do anything about it! “What if” then becomes the question should Tinubu set foot on US soil! Is it not better, then, to err on the side of caution?

Another school of thought is that Tinubu’s health might need attention. Unlike in much of the Western world, the secrecy that surrounds the health conditions of Nigerian, nay, African leaders makes it difficult to speak authoritatively on their health conditions.

And this is not new. Babangida, Abacha, Abdulsalami, Yar’Adua all had rumours swirling around their health conditions while in office. Abacha and Yar’Adua died in office. Buhari spent close to one-third of his tenure shuttling between the country and his doctors in the UK. It has been said, this time around, that Tinubu’s doctors are in France.

With part of his holiday reportedly scheduled to be spent in Charles de Gaulle’s country, could this holiday be another disguised medical tourism? Health is wealth, as they say, and prioritizing one’s health and wellbeing over and above a meeting, no matter how important, can be justified, especially when we have been told that the president can be (adequately?) represented at the UNGA.

Then I asked Google: Is it compulsory that the president lead his country’s delegation to the UNGA? The answer is: No, it is not compulsory for a president or prime minister to lead their country’s delegation to the UNGA.

Alternatively, the president or prime minister can be represented by the vice president or deputy prime minister, the foreign affairs minister or the country’s permanent representative at the UN who can speak, vote and act on behalf of the country or member-state concerned.

History records that many world leaders have frequently failed to personally attend UNGA due to divergent reasons, such as pressing domestic issues, disasters or local crises needing their personal attention or for health reasons.

Super-power rivalry and politics, and the need to remain non-committal or stay neutral from taking sides on volatile issues have also been known to compel foreign leaders to skip personally attending UNGA.

When a country’s leader attends the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) in person, it provides several distinct strategic, diplomatic, and political advantages that cannot be replicated through virtual participation or lower-level delegation.

Some of these advantages are: High-level bilateral diplomacy (the “Margin” meetings); spontaneous networking whereby leaders hold informal, face-to-face meetings on the sidelines (the “margins”) of the assembly, allowing them to resolve disputes or advance treaties quickly.

It also affords the opportunity of building rapport. Personal presence helps build trust and personal relationships between heads of state, which can be critical during international crises.

Other advantages include enhanced global visibility and influence as UNGA gives leaders a global or world stage to operate from.

A speech delivered in person by a head of state commands significantly more international media attention and diplomatic weight than a pre-recorded video or speech read by a representative.

Some world leaders have been noted for setting agendas on issues of national, regional or international importance at UNGA. Leaders can directly pitch their nation’s foreign policy priorities, economic opportunities, or security concerns to a global audience.

Personal attendance at UNGA also helps to facilitate efficient multilateral engagement or what is called “mini-Summits” among leaders.

Leaders can participate in localized, high-level side events or regional summits (such as G7, BRICS, or regional blocs like the EU and the African Union) that have been known to convene in New York during the UNGA week. When leaders attend UNGA in person, direct access to decision-makers is made possible.

Smaller or developing nations also can seize the opportunity to have direct, unmediated access to leaders of superpower nations as well as heads of major international organizations like the UN itself, the World Bank and IMF. We can go on and on!

At the level of individual nations, attending UNGA is said to project an image of strength, global respect, and statesmanship to citizens back at home.

Newly-elected leaders especially use UNGA to announce themselves to the international community to garner support and recognition, to state their goals and set agendas as well as make profound statements on their administration’s foreign policy direction.

UNGA also serves as a formal introduction to the international community and signals the leader’s commitment to global cooperation.

From the above, it is, without doubt, a disadvantage when leaders absent themselves from UNGA. No matter how “powerful” a substitute representation is, it cannot be the same as when the president or prime minister of a country leads it.

There is what is called “bragging rights” among leaders. Presidents prefer to deal with presidents; vice presidents or foreign ministers will be shuffled down the ladder to discuss with their equivalents or counterparts.

The reverse is the case, however, where presidents of less powerful countries queue or consider it a privilege to have an audience with the foreign affairs minister or envoy of powerful countries such as the US, China, Russia, etc.

One narrative for Tinubu’s recurring absence at UNGA being spinned by his detractors is the fear of the unknown over the FBI files and Tinubu’s alleged past encounter with the US judicial system.

But a man, once tried and acquitted of criminal charges, cannot be tried again on the same offence except fresh evidence pops up that possesses the likelihood of affecting the outcome of the trial in the opposite direction.

Furthermore, can any harm come the way of a visiting president attending UNGA? Or, put more directly and blatantly, can a foreign leader attending UNGA in New York, USA be arrested for any reason whatsoever by the US authorities? The answer is, no; leaders attending UNGA cannot be arrested, charged or tried in the US because they enjoy immunity.

Under the UN Headquarters Agreement, the United States has an international obligation to allow accredited representatives entry and transit to the UN as well as respect their diplomatic inviolability.

In like manner, no US state, city, local government or county official possesses the legal power to arrest a protected visiting foreign leader.

From the above, it is most unlikely that President Tinubu stands the risk of being arrested in the US if he chooses to personally attend UNGA.

What may happen is that demonstrators may mass at the UN headquarters venue of UNGA, organize protests and heckle him and his delegation.

That will be embarrassing enough. For sure, it will portray the country in bad light and dent its image – which all Nigerians, including the president’s adversaries, will suffer from.

Also read: Governor Dauda Lawal Approves 95% Salary Increase for Health Workers

To avoid such an embarrassment and the deleterious effects it may have on the country’s image appears as the most germane reason why Tinubu has kept away – and may continue to keep sway – from UNGA until, maybe, a more predictable president mounts the saddle in the United States. And the losers? – Nigeria and Nigerians!

(Published in the TREASURES column on the back page of the NEW TELEGRAPH newspaper edition of Wednesday, 23 September, 2026).

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