By Bolanle BOLAWOLE,

Few days ago, a senior pastor of mine called and spoke fata-fata, as they say, about the state of our hospitals. His preambles were something else; it went something like this: Pastor Bolawole, I know you journalists are part of the problems of this country! You don’t tell our leaders the truth.

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Is it because of the brown envelopes you collect from them? That is why you are in cahoots with them.” I had started wondering what was the matter before he hit the nail on the head: Someone dear to him was ill and they needed him or her (I can’t remember which one) to undergo MRI scanning but no MRI machine was available “in the whole of Ogun state”, he said.

Eventually, they had to hire a vehicle for N50,000:00 to convey the sick person to the Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG) medical facility at the Redemption City (formerly Redemption Camp) along the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway, Mowe, for the MRI to be done. “And they will say Redeemed (RCCG) is not doing anything!” As I made to speak, he rounded up with “I just felt I should let you know about this” and hung up.

Not a single MRI machine in the whole of Ogun state? It appears unbelievable. But come to think about it, is Redemption City, where they eventually found one, not in Ogun state? Syllogism, which I learnt in Philosophy 101, taught at the then University of Ife (now Obafemi Awolowo University), Ile-Ife, by Dr. Dipo Fashina (aka Jingo), as he then was, is instructive here. According to Google, a syllogism is a form of logical reasoning that uses deductive logic to combine two statements and arrive at a new conclusion.

A standard syllogism has three parts: The first part is the major premise, which is a general statement or rule that is assumed to be true. The second part is a minor premise, specific fact or case that relates to the major premise. The third part is the conclusion, which is the logical result that follows from the two premises.

A classic example is: All humans are mortal/Socrates is a human/Therefore, Socrates is mortal. Another example is: All mammals are warm-blooded/All dogs are mammals/Therefore, all dogs are warm-blooded.” Arising from the above, we can construct our own syllogism thus: Redemption City is in Ogun state/MRI machine was found at Redemption City/Therefore, there is an MRI machine in Ogun state! QED!

The curiosity of a journalist still pushed me to ask questions about MRI machines. What exactly are they and their use? I got the following answer: “An MRI machine is a medical imaging device that uses powerful magnets and radio waves to create highly detailed, cross-sectional pictures of the inside of the body.

Healthcare providers use MRI scans to evaluate, diagnose, and monitor a wide variety of medical conditions without using harmful radiation. It is especially effective for viewing soft tissues.

Common uses include examining the brain and spinal cord; diagnosing strokes, multiple sclerosis (MS), brain tumors, aneurysms, and spinal cord injuries.

It is also useful in detecting “tears in ligaments, tendons, and cartilage (such as in the knee or shoulder), as well as bone infections, evaluating heart damage from heart attacks, congenital heart disease, heart structure, and blood flow abnormalities. MRI machines are also used in checking organs in the chest, abdomen, and pelvis—including the liver, kidneys, pancreas, prostate, and uterus—for tumors, inflammation, or disease.

Waooh! If MRI machines are this useful; nay, indispensable, how come they are not commonplace in our hospitals? Are their costs prohibitive? I got the following response: “New clinical MRI machines typically cost between $1 million and $3 million while advanced 7T research systems can reach $7 million. Purchase Price Breakdown: New Systems: A standard 1.5T or 3T MRI scanner costs $900,000 to over $3.7 million for the hardware alone. Refurbished or Pre-Owned Systems: Used or refurbished units range from $100,000 to $700,000, depending on field strength (Tesla rating), bore size, and condition. Budget/Low-Field Open MRIs: Basic or low-field models (0.25T–0.5T) cost between $130,000 and $300,000.

Additional Ownership and Operating Expenses: The sticker price is only part of the investment; total cost of ownership involves heavy infrastructure and maintenance outlays: Installation and Site Preparation: Specialized room construction, radiofrequency (RF) shielding, cryogen venting, and structural reinforcement typically add $75,000 or more.

Maintenance and Cooling: Annual service contracts and maintenance range from $10,000 to $100,000 per year, driven heavily by liquid helium consumption used to keep superconducting magnets cold (though newer low-helium or helium-free technologies are emerging).

These are not costs that even a local government cannot afford in today’s Nigeria, especially with the quantum of money the Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration is heaping on the two tiers of government – state and local governments. But to make assurance doubly sure, as they say, I asked Google if it has any information on the availability of MRI machines in Ogun state. This is the answer I got: “Yes, an advanced MRI machine is available in Ogun state at the private specialist facility – Redeemer’s Health Village located in Redemption City, Mowe.”

It goes further to say: “Redeemer’s Health Village (RHV) houses a 1.5 Tesla MRI system featuring a wide 70 cm bore capable of accommodating plus-sized patients weighing over 300 kg. They also offer subsidized scan slots for low-income and indigent patients.” Thumbs up for RCCG, but thumbs down for Ogun state because “major public healthcare facilities in the state – such as the Olabisi Onabanjo University Teaching Hospital (OOUTH) in Sagamu and the State Hospital in Ijaiye have lacked functional on-site MRI equipment, with the State House of Assembly actively pushing for their procurement.”

It is common knowledge that our leaders at all levels devote scanty attention to the state of our hospitals, primarily because they don’t patronize them. They always fly abroad for medical treatment – and can also afford the charges in the best private hospitals available locally.

These days, we are inundated with stories of “lack of bed space” in virtually all our hospitals. The father of one of my choriters spent hours on his wife’s wrapper spread on the bare floor along the corridors of LUTH before he was attended to because there was no bed space. He died. My panel-beater’s 14-year-old girl was rejected in one government hospital after another because of lack of bed space. She died.

The unprofessional conduct of health workers is another worrisome experience that anyone unfortunate enough to approach government hospitals have had to tell ad nauseam, ad infinitum.

My treasured niece, Abosede Oluwayemi Edema, aged 54, died last June at the Federal Medical Centre, Ebute-Metta, Lagos after being left unattended from 2.00am until she fell into a coma at 4.00pm. Her blood infection, which should not have killed her if she had been adequately and promptly attended to, was left untreated till she died. Doctors’ negligence, nonchalance, unprofessional conduct, and the complicity and duplicity of her husband, sent her to an untimely grave. We can go on and on!

One story that made headline news last week was the death of one Mr. Olatunde John Kolawole, which reportedly occurred at the Lagos State Teaching Hospital (LASUTH), Ikeja. Kolawole had an accident while trying to avoid an errant tricycle rider; he promptly got to the hospital but reportedly was left unattended for many hours that eventually proved fatal.

One of the dead man’s siblings had this to say: “Your death was not just an accident… It was a failure of duty. The people sworn to protect life let you slip away. An accident didn’t kill you, but (the) negligence of LASUTH (did).”

I could feel her pain because I have been through that valley lately. It was not the cancer that my niece, Bose, bravely fought that eventually killed her; the concoctions applied on her by her husband and his family, caused the blood infection that took her to the hospital. The nonchalance of doctors at the FMC, Ebute-Metta, was the last straw that broke the camel’s back.

Issues arising from these incidents include the dearth of qualified and experienced health workers in our medical facilities. JAPA has turned our hospitals into a ghost of their former selves – and our governments appear to be doing nothing about it. They don’t patronise our hospitals anyway.

The remaining medical personnel are criminally over-worked and stretched beyond elasticity level; with many collapsing and dying on duty. Little wonder, then, that they have become somewhat nonchalant and cavalier while on duty. “Do your best and take a rest or leave the rest” now appears the mantra. In addition to shortage of hands, available facilities have not grown in tandem with population explosion, leaving gaps that cannot be filled overnight.

Factor in the widespread corruption cankerworm and you begin to see how deplorable, to say the least, the situation has become in our hospitals.

There also is the question of the free rein given to Okada and Keke riders in many South-west states.

It was the mercy of God that saved my family from mourning two years back when an Okada rider suddenly made a u-turn into the lane of my son’s power bike. All they need to hear is a shout of “okada”! Pronto, they stop! They turn! Anything! Something has got to be done about these pests.

But until citizens become more proactive and begin to hold the feet of our leaders to the fire, nothing will change. Fela said it all in his song, “Suffering and Smiling”: For as long as we keep smiling back at them, they won’t see our pains; but the moment we begin to bare our fangs, they will feel our pains – and act appropriately!

PHCH’s hideous tariff hike

I read somewhere recently that the Government said it preferred that consumers be metered than for PHCN to hike tariffs.

Either the government is not aware of what is happening in the power section or it is duplicitous and complicit. PHCH has silently been adjusting its tariff without any commensurate improvement in service delivery. I got to know this – and with empirical evidence – last week when I recharged. I usually do this on a yearly basis. PHCN surreptitiously reviews tariff upward and or upgrade end-users from a lower-paying to a higher-paying Band without notice. On September 22nd, 2025, I bought 1488.8 KWh for N50,000.00 (Fifty Thousand Naira) only.

One year after, specifically on September 16, 2026, the same N50,000.00 (Fifth Thousand Naira) could only fetch me 1015.5 KWh, a loss of 473.3 KWh! A whopping 46.61% increase within a space of one year without any commensurate improvement in services provided! Tell me, where are we going in this country?

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When the government flaunts parameters and economic indices indicating that things are looking up, but citizens counter that their life isn’t improving, it is because of hidden and hideous costs such as PHCN’s that is not allowing the common man to enjoy the fruits of government’s efforts at revamping the economy. Must we fold our arms and look – and suffer in silence?

(Published in the ON THE LORD’S DAY column in the Sunday Tribune newspaper edition of Sunday, 27 September, 2026).

By Seun Oloketuyi,

The All Progressives Congress in Oyo State has settled on a two-man ticket for the 2027 governorship election, with Senator Sharafadeen Abiodun Alli as its candidate and Hon. Adesoji Michael Adedeji as his running mate.

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The two were formally presented on July 2, 2026, in Ibadan, where Alli also received the party’s nomination form.

Since then, one phrase has followed the ticket: “two for the price of one.” It is a simple description, but there is some thinking behind the pairing.

Who is Adesoji Adedeji?

At 46, Adesoji Adedeji is the younger half of the ticket. He studied Economics at Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, and is from Iwo-Ate in Ogo Oluwa Local Government Area of Oyo State, in the Ogbomoso zone.

He is also the younger brother of Dr Zacch Adedeji, Executive Chairman of the Nigeria Revenue Service.That family connection has brought some attention to his emergence, but the APC ticket also gives Adedeji an opportunity to build his own political profile.

Unlike Alli, who has spent years in politics and currently represents Oyo South in the Senate, Adedeji is relatively new to elective politics. His emergence therefore brings a younger face and a different background to the ticket.

There is also the question of geography.
Alli is from Ibadan, while Adedeji comes from Ogo Oluwa. In a state where the different zones often feature prominently in political calculations, that is part of what makes the pairing notable.

Why ‘2 for 1’?

The idea behind the phrase is fairly straightforward.
On one side is Alli, a politician with years of experience in public office. On the other is Adedeji, a younger candidate with an Economics background and a different professional experience. Then there is the geographical spread.

Ibadan has long been a major centre of political activity in Oyo State. Adedeji’s roots in the Ogbomoso axis allow the APC to present the ticket as one that extends beyond the state capital.

Whether that will translate into votes is another matter. For now, the choice gives the party a ticket that brings different parts of the state into the same political arrangement.

What Adedeji says he wants

Since emerging as Alli’s running mate, Adedeji has also spoken about some of the issues he wants the ticket to address. At a stakeholders’ meeting, he talked about improving infrastructure across Oke-Ogun, Ogbomoso, Ibarapa, Oyo and other parts of the state.

He also spoke about the need for functional hospitals in every local government and greater financial and administrative autonomy for local councils.“Every local government will receive all that is due to them,” he said.

The message is centred largely on taking development beyond the major urban areas and ensuring that local communities also benefit from government programmes.

The politics behind the pairing

Adedeji’s emergence came after Alli secured the APC governorship ticket in a primary that featured several notable aspirants, including former Deputy Governor Rauf Olaniyan, Akeem Agbaje and former Minister of Power, Chief Adebayo Adelabu. The primary has ended, but bringing the party together after a contest involving several interests is now part of the work ahead. That was evident at the unveiling, where party leaders repeatedly stressed the need for unity.

Oyo APC Chairman, Chief Moses Alake Adeyemo, called on party members to put their differences aside and work towards the 2027 election. “By the grace of God, come May 29, 2027, our governor and deputy governor will be Senator Sharafadeen Alli and Hon. Adesoji Adedeji,” he said.

Alli also called on his former opponents and their supporters to work with the party’s ticket. The task now goes beyond simply presenting the two candidates.

Alli and Adedeji will have to bring their different backgrounds together and show party members and voters across the state how they intend to work as a team.

Two Men, One Ticket
So, what exactly does the APC have in Alli and Adedeji?

It has a sitting senator with years of political experience and a younger running mate from a different part of the state. It has Ibadan and Ogo Oluwa. And it has two men with different professional and political backgrounds coming together on the same ticket. That is where the “2 for 1” description comes from.

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But a slogan is only one part of a political campaign. Alli and Adedeji will still have to explain what they want to do with the mandate they are seeking and how their plans would work across Oyo State. For now, the APC has made its choice.
The next stage is taking that ticket to the people.

By Sola Fajobi,

The governorship contest for Ogun State in 2027 has officially begun.

INEC has blown the whistle, full campaigns have started, and anyone who lives, does business, or has family in Ogun State knows the political space is fully activated.

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The billboards are up, the consultations are nightly, and the debates in beer parlours, market stalls and WhatsApp groups are getting intense.

I write from Lagos, but with business and family interests across Abeokuta, Ijebu-Ode, and Ota, Ogun politics is not abstract to me. It affects my daily reality.

At the centre of this unfolding drama are two leading contenders whose names dominate every conversation.

The Two Leading Contenders

First is Senator Solomon Olamilekan Adeola, popularly known as Yayi. A three-term federal lawmaker, from Lagos West to Ogun West, and currently Chairman of the Senate Appropriation Committee.

Yayi is known for a very unusual brand of senatorial representation – heavily focused on facilitation of projects and mass empowerment programmes across all wards of Ogun West. He has built a reputation as a highly networked politician with a formidable structure across the state.

Second is Hon. Oladipupo Adebutu, widely known as Lado. A thoroughbred Ogun politician. Member of the House of Representatives in the early 90s, governorship candidate of the PDP in 2019 and 2023, and a grassroots mobilizer with deep roots in Remo.

He is from Iperu-Remo, the same town as the incumbent Governor, Prince Dapo Abiodun. As the son of Sir Kessington Adebukunola Adebutu, a man whose philanthropic footprint is legendary across Nigeria, Lado brings both political experience and enormous goodwill.

Both men are experienced, both are prepared, and by all indications, both have the financial capacity to run a full-scale governorship campaign across 236 wards. This is not going to be a contest for the faint-hearted.

The Noise Around Nativity

One narrative that has unfortunately dominated the last few weeks is the question of nativity.

Whispers about where a candidate’s father was buried, where he originally hails from, and whether he is truly from Ogun State.

I think this is a disservice to Ogun people. Ogun State, the cradle of the educated elite in Nigeria, has always voted based on capacity and promise, not narrow identity politics.

During a visit to Abeokuta recently, I overheard a conversation among some young graduates that summarized the mood of many.

Their point was simple: they have seen tangible empowerment programmes executed by Senator Yayi as a serving Senator in Ogun West, and they are more interested in who can scale that to the entire state than in debates about origin.

Whether one supports Yayi or Lado, we must agree that Ogun people deserve an issues-based campaign.

The two leading candidates have a responsibility to tell their supporters to focus on manifestos, not personal attacks. That is the Ogun way.

The Deeper Conversation: Equity and Zoning

If we move past the noise, Ogun faces a deeper, more structural conversation – equity.

Let us look at history:

– 1979-1983: Chief Olabisi Onabanjo – Ogun East (Ijebu)
– 1992-1993: Chief Olusegun Osoba – Ogun Central (Egba)
– 1999-2003: Chief Olusegun Osoba again – Ogun Central
– 2003-2011: Otunba Gbenga Daniel – Ogun East (Ijebu)
– 2011-2019: Senator Ibikunle Amosun – Ogun Central (Egba)
– 2019-Date: Prince Dapo Abiodun – Ogun East (Remo/Iperu)

Ogun State was created in February 1976. About 50 years after its creation, Ogun West – the Yewa-Awori zone comprising 5 local governments with huge industrial potential in Ota/Agbara and massive agricultural land in Imeko, Ipokia and Yewa North – has never produced a Governor.

This is not a small statistic. It is a historical imbalance.

This is where the Iperu question becomes unavoidable. If Governor Abiodun, who is from Iperu-Remo in Ogun East, completes his term in 2027, how do we justify another Governor from the same town, Iperu, immediately succeeding him? Even within Ogun East, there are Ijebu, Remo North, Shagamu, and other areas who would also feel shortchanged.

Can one town produce two Governors back-to-back in a diverse state of four divisions? That question bothers many neutral stakeholders I have spoken to.

Philanthropy, Structure and Performance

Hon. Adebutu has undeniable strengths. He is a grassroots politician who understands Ogun East politics deeply. He has been consistent since 1992, and he has shown resilience.

He also carries the enormous goodwill of the Adebutu family name – a family that has given so much to education, sports and employment in Ogun State. For many, supporting Lado is a way of appreciating Sir Kessington Adebutu’s decades of philanthropy.

Senator Adeola on the other hand brings a different strength – a record of what he did with the legislative power he had.

His model in Ogun West has been to turn a senatorial district office into a quasi-development agency – facilitating schools, ICT centres, market support schemes, bursaries, and training programmes. For many outside Ogun West, the question is: can this model be scaled to the whole state?

Interestingly, both offer different answers to the same question Ogun people are asking: Who can create jobs for our graduates, fix our rural roads in Ogun East, address insecurity on our farmlands in Yewa, bring order to our industrial hubs in Ogun Central, and truly empower our market women?

*My Final Take*

I have friends in both campaigns and I respect both candidates. Both have paid their dues and both are eminently qualified to aspire to lead Ogun State.

But Ogun State at this junction must make a choice that goes beyond individual ambition. It must make a choice about inclusion, about fairness, and about performance.

For about 50 years, Ogun West has waited. The agitation for Ogun West to produce the next Governor is not just about Yayi, it is about giving every part of Ogun a sense of belonging in the Gateway State project.

At the same time, Ogun needs a Governor who has shown empathy, who has shown he can use public office to touch ordinary people even before becoming Governor, and who can work tirelessly across all zones.

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I leave Ogun people to judge who best fits that description.

Let Ogun choose wisely.