Opinion
How Governor Dauda Lawal Rescued Zamfara State from the Abyss
Published
6 months agoon
By: Oladapo Sofowora
Three years ago, Zamfara State was not merely a place on the Nigerian map; it was a global byword for the darkest extremes of human and governance failure. To call the name “Zamfara” in any public gathering, anywhere across the world was to invite a sharp intake of deep breath followed by an unassuming shake of the head. It was formerly a state where school gates had become rusted relics, where hospitals were hollowed-out shells dilapidated and where the only booming economy was the dark, bloody trade of banditry and insurgency.
But when Dr Dauda Lawal placed his hand on the Holy Qur’an on May 29, 2023, he did not inherit a government; he inherited a graveyard of unfulfilled promises. The civil service was a ghost of itself; unstructured and underperforming, groaning under the weight of unpaid salaries and gratuities stretching back over a decade. The state’s treasury had been bled dry, with an astonishing backlog of debt, including a suffocating ₦2.7 billion owed to the West African Examinations Council (WAEC) and the National Examinations Council (NECO); a debt that had cruelly barred thousands of innocent Zamfara State pupils from sitting for their final exams and progressing to tertiary education.
Insecurity was apocalyptic; rural communities had been abandoned, entire local government areas were under the effective control of non-state actors and the proud agrarian identity of the state ‘Farming is Our Pride’ had been replaced by the grovel of internally displaced persons begging for a handful of grains. This was the hellscape that Lawal walked into for the first few months, even his most optimistic supporters wondered if the former banker had made a catastrophic error in judgment. Instead of complaining and playing the blame game as many of his peers do, he folded his sleeves and went straight into the rescue mission. Rebuilding brick by brick, reforming strategically and effecting holistic change across board, three years later, as the sun rises over the newly constructed terminal of the Gusau International Airport and the sound of children reciting lessons echoes from over five hundred renovated schools, the verdict is undeniable: Dauda Lawal did not come to manage Zamfara; he came to rescue it and he has delivered a performance so startling that it has forced even his fiercest political rivals to stand and applaud him for a job well done. What seemed like an Herculean task was a piece of cake for him because he came with a will and can-do spirit, and his love for his people helped him navigate the tides.
Let us start with the most brutal wound; security. When Lawal campaigned on the promise of a “Rescue Mission,” the cornerstone was his vow to dismantle the ‘banditry economy’ that had turned farming into a death sentence. The previous approach had been a confusing mess of negotiations with criminals, which only emboldened the outlaws. Lawal, bringing the precision of a forensic auditor to the battlefield, did something unprecedented; he treated security like a strategic investment portfolio; he gave teeth to the security apparatus. The Governor dramatically raised the stakes by operationalising and heavily funding the Zamfara Community Protection Guards, known locally as Askarawan Zamfara. These were not vigilantes; they were a disciplined, state-backed auxiliary force recruited from local communities who knew the terrain very well, the caves and the escape routes of the bandits. To support them and the regular military, Lawal’s administration donated over 140 brand-new, high-capacity operational vehicles equipped with modern communication gadgets, ensuring that for the first time, security agents could match the mobility of the criminals. He invested in sophisticated intelligence-gathering technology, creating a situation room in Gusau that monitors real-time movements across the fourteen local government areas. The results have been staggering. Within eighteen months, the bandits lost their strategic freedom of action. Farmers who had not seen their ancestral lands in four years were suddenly escorted back by combined teams of soldiers and guards, clutching subsidized seedlings and bags of fertilizer provided by the government for wet-season and dry-season farming.
The famous rice and maize fields of Maradun and Anka which were once deserted are now green with harvest. The Governor understood a basic truth you cannot eat security, but you cannot farm without it. By breaking the siege on rural Zamfara, Lawal did not just save lives; he resurrected the state’s economy from the root upwards. The wailing of mothers who had lost sons to banditry has not stopped entirely, but it has been largely replaced by the hum of grinding machines and the laughter of children playing in villages that were once classified as “no-go areas.”
But what is a secure community without an educated mindset? The statistics Lawal met upon arrival were enough to make any compassionate leader weep. Thousands of students had been locked out of their futures because the previous administration simply refused to pay examination fees. Young girls, in particular, had been pushed into early marriage because their parents saw no point in sending them to dilapidated, teacher-less schools. Lawal declared a State of Emergency in Education on his second day in office and unlike the hollow declarations of the past, he backed it up with actions and the state’s treasury. The first thunderbolt was the payment of the ₦2.7 billion WAEC and NECO debt, a move that instantly liberated the results of over 45,000 students. That single act of fiscal responsibility changed the trajectory of an entire generation as students’ results were released. But Lawal did not stop at paying debts. He launched a massive, unprecedented infrastructural blitz. In three years, over 500 schools from primary to secondary have been either completely reconstructed, renovated or equipped with modern furniture and learning aids, replacing the broken chairs and mouldy chalkboards with over 9,542 new two-seater desks. He went further, recruiting over 2,000 qualified teachers, ending the absurdity of one teacher managing a class of 120 students. He also tackled the rot in tertiary institutions; the Zamfara State University and the College of Health Sciences and Technology received not just facelifts but functional laboratories, libraries and hostels.
The 2025 budget, a towering ₦79.6 billion allocation to education, is not an expense; it is a declaration that Zamfara will never again be a state of illiterates; rather it will be a state where intellectual giants and sound minds will be moulded.
Parallel to the educational revolution, Lawal launched a surgical strike on the healthcare sector, which had become a death trap for the poor. When he toured the General Hospitals in Gusau and Anka shortly after inauguration, what he saw reportedly upset his stomach. Maternity wards without mattresses, operating theatres without power supply and pharmacies without a single tablet of medication. The Governor’s response was a systematic, ward-by-ward renovation of the state’s health infrastructure. The Yariman Bakura Specialist Hospital in Gusau has been transformed into a gleaming referral centre, equipped with digital X-ray machines, a functional dialysis unit, an MRI Machine deployment and a steady supply of essential medications. General hospitals in Kaura Namoda, Maru and Maradun have been similarly upgraded, ensuring that a sick person no longer has to travel 200 kilometres to Sokoto, Kano, Kaduna and Abuja for a simple surgery. But perhaps the most humane intervention has been the health insurance rollout for the poorest citizens. Lawal’s administration has enrolled over 150,000 vulnerable women and children into the state’s health insurance scheme, meaning that for the first time, a poor mother in a remote village can take her child to a primary health centre and receive treatment without being asked for a dime. This singular act has slashed the maternal mortality rate in the local governments by a significant margin.
Then there is the quiet revolution happening in the civil service, a sector often ignored by politicians but which Lawal understood as the engine room of government. He met a workforce that had lost all hope. Retired professors and permanent secretaries were dying without collecting their gratuities, leaving their families in penury. The backlog of unpaid pensions and death benefits stood at an astronomical ₦13 billion. In a move that sent shockwaves through the state’s bureaucracy, Lawal cleared that entire backlog within his first 15 months in office. He didn’t stop there; he introduced a 13th-month salary bonus for all active workers, a rare gesture that boosted morale and productivity. He also cleared the previously unpaid cooperative deductions that had been stolen from workers’ salaries, an act that made him a hero in the corridors of the secretariat. By treating civil servants with dignity, Lawal ensured that the machinery of government began to move again, processing files, issuing permits and collecting revenue with an efficiency that saw the state’s Internally Generated Revenue (IGR) skyrocket from a pitiful ₦80 million per month to over ₦5 billion. This financial discipline allowed him to fund his infrastructure ambitions without begging for federal bailouts. The signature project of this ambition is the ongoing construction of the Gusau International Airport, a massive, visionary project that will open Zamfara to global trade, connect local farmers to export markets and drastically reduce the cost of transportation for businesses. Complementing this airborne gateway, Lawal unveiled 50 modern mass transit buses, equipped with free Wi-Fi and digital fare collectors, slashing the cost of commuting for the average worker and student while modernizing the chaotic transport sector.
As the sun sets on the third year of this remarkable tenure yesterday the 29th of May, the political landscape has shifted seismically. The opposition, which spent the first two years mocking Lawal has run out of insults. The evidence is too overwhelming. The students just received their WAEC results after a three-year delay, retired civil servants who finally received their ₦6 million gratuity after waiting for eight years are not going to vote for a return to the old ways. This is why the recent political development the endorsement of Governor Dauda Lawal as the consensus candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC) for the 2027 election is not a surprise. What is stunning is the unanimity. In a rare, almost unprecedented show of political maturity, four former governors of Zamfara State Ahmed Yarima, Mahmuda Shinkafi, Abdulaziz Yari and Bello Matawalle gathered in Gusau to throw their weight behind Lawal’s second-term bid. These are men who have not agreed on a single issue in the past twenty years, yet they agree on Dauda Lawal’s re-election. This consensus is a powerful signal to the electorate that the era of destructive political rivalry is over and the era of collective development has begun.
But why should the people of Zamfara re-elect Dauda Lawal for another four years? The answer lies in the unfinished symphony of his rescue mission. He has laid the foundation but the house is not yet completed. He has secured the rural areas but the bandits have not been annihilated; a second term would allow him to consolidate the security gains and finally flush out the remaining bandits from their hideouts. He has built the schools, but the first cohort of his revolutionary education reforms is just now entering their final year; a second term would see them graduate and move into the new technical colleges he plans to build. He has started the airport, but it needs to be completed and operationalized to attract the foreign direct investment that will turn Zamfara from a consumer state to a producer state especially in the agricultural value chain. He has cleared the pension backlog but he needs another term to build a sustainable pension fund that ensures no future retiree ever suffers again. To abort the rescue mission now would be like a surgeon stopping a life-saving operation halfway through because the patient is breathing again. The patient, ‘Zamfara’ is breathing but it is not yet running. Dauda Lawal is a goal-getter not a goal-celebrator. He has shown that he has the vision, the discipline, the grit, the capacity and the courage to stare into the abyss and command it to close. The choice for the people of Zamfara in 2027 is the simplest binary in Nigerian politics; return to the dark, bloody, bankrupt stagnation of the pre-2023 era or move forward with the man who proved that a rescue mission is not a slogan; it is a reality. If the last three years are a sample of what Dauda Lawal can do, then another four years will not just complete the good work; they will turn Zamfara into a beacon a testament to the power of determined leadership.
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Opinion
Our Great Tree of Peace: Keynote Address at All Nigeria Rotary Peace Summit
Published
5 days agoon
November 9, 2026By
Basit Saba
Distinguished leaders of government, members of the diplomatic community, representatives of security and law-enforcement agencies, traditional and religious leaders, distinguished guests, fellow Rotary members, ladies and gentlemen:
It is an honour to welcome you to the “All Nigeria Rotary Peace Summit.”
The question before us is how to come together, work toward a shared national future, and achieve true and lasting peace.
Nigeria has enormous potential. We have contributed to peace and stability across Africa, including through our work with the Economic Community of West African States and United Nations peacekeeping and Peace Support operations.
Our work in Liberia and other parts of Africa shows that we have the experience and ability to help prevent and manage conflict beyond our borders.
Now it is time to turn those energies inward — to bring our commitment to building peace among our neighbors and the world back home.
But we cannot impose peace. We must nurture it from the very roots of our society so it may grow into a great tree that will feed and shelter all of us under its protective embrace.
As a member of Rotary, when I consider this idea, I look to the philosophy of Positive Peace.
Peace, through this lens, is so much more than the absence of violence. To achieve true and lasting peace, we must consider the attitudes, institutions, and structures that create and sustain peaceful societies.
Here in Nigeria, meaningful peace cannot rely on our security forces and government institutions alone. It requires every level of society to come together for the betterment of all.
To grow Positive Peace from the ground up, Rotary starts from the very foundation of life, as we have done here.
In 2022, Rotary began a program called, “Together for Healthy Families in Nigeria.”
Members of Rotary here in Nigeria and as far away as Germany partnered with federal and state health ministries to make giving birth safer for both mother and child.
The program has helped expectant mothers across three states and the capital receive better and more frequent prenatal care.
Community health workers made nearly 60,000 visits to homes of expectant mothers and spoke with them and their families. We supplied 158 health facilities with contraceptives, medicine, and equipment.
We have already seen positive outcomes. Maternal deaths were reduced by 77%, and newborn deaths were reduced by 45% at supported facilities.
There is more work to do, but we are making progress. This is one way we plant the seeds of peace in Nigeria and around the world — we listen to the community, work with people so they can make their own lives better, and we stay committed to our goals.
With each child born safely to a healthy mother, we ease the burden carried by the Federal Ministry of Health and Social Welfare. We give families a greater sense of safety and security.
This is the beginning of Positive Peace. But members of Rotary do not stop once the seeds of peace are planted.
Since 2020, Nigeria has been free of the deadly grip of the wild poliovirus, which paralyzed and sometimes killed children when their lives had barely begun. And we continue to work with our friends at the World Health Organization and others to keep it that way and address the more recent outbreaks of variant poliovirus.
Rotary also builds peace directly. Members of Rotary clubs across Nigeria devote themselves to building peace every day.
And the year after Nigeria was declared wild polio-free, Rotary worked with Makerere University in Uganda to open a Peace Center, where students — called Peace Fellows — can learn how to build lasting peace both here in Nigeria and across Africa.
Over the years, more than 75 Rotary Peace Fellows have come from Nigeria. Some of our Peace Fellows are even here with us today.
I tell you this not to advertise Rotary (although we can always use new members). I tell you this because I want you to know that Rotary is already a quiet partner in peacebuilding — not only around the world — but here in our shared home.
As members of Rotary, we are not soldiers, ambassadors, or diplomats. We bring people together to find common purpose through service to others. We are here for Nigeria, and we are here to stay.
This year, I have called on every member of Rotary to Create Lasting Impact, and today, my brothers and sisters of Nigeria, I ask the same of every one of us.
I ask us to look at every level of society in Nigeria and consider how we can make all our lives better — not only today, but far into the future of this great nation. We may not speak the same language, worship the same way, or live the same way, but our nation’s future depends on all of us working together.
This summit is an opportunity to turn our shared commitment to peace into practical action — to take mere words and transform them into a bright future for us and all our children.
To my dear friends and family of Rotary here today, I challenge you to make peacebuilding in Nigeria our legacy of lasting impact.
As I have said to the Rotary world time and time again, we must consider how everything we do contributes to peace and pursue that peace purposefully and deliberately.
Rotary can help build confidence between institutions and communities, strengthen public trust, and ease the burden of everyday life that makes peacebuilding that much harder … but we must do so with purpose.
And before we can Create Lasting Impact in Nigeria, we must first have the courage to change ourselves, whether we are members of Rotary or not.
We cannot continue to do what we have always done and expect our great tree of peace to magically sprout from the ground. We must nurture our country and ourselves with all our being.
Give yourselves permission to be changed by what you see and hear at this summit.
That is how lasting impact is achieved — through people who are willing to change, institutions that are prepared to work for everyone, and communities that have the capacity to sustain progress.
And once we allow ourselves to change, we open ourselves to a new future — a future where the circumstances of someone’s birth do not determine their access to justice, opportunity, or dignity.
A future where differences are respected, where violence is rejected, and where we all come together, not as different groups in competition, but as Nigerians in harmony.
As we begin this summit, let us commit to more than resolutions and declarations. Let us commit to stability through change.
Remember that our true measure of success is not the words we share among ourselves today, but the impact of our actions that lasts generation after generation.
And if our commitment to peace is true — if our capacity for change is enough — our children, and their children after them, will enjoy the fruits of our labor under our great tree of peace — protected, safe, and free.
Thank you.
Opinion
Media Must Distinguish Electoral Reality from Political Wishful Thinking Ahead of 2027
Published
5 days agoon
November 9, 2026By
Basit Saba
Nigeria’s democratic development depends not only on credible elections but also on responsible journalism and an informed electorate. In the view of Nosa Osaikhuiwu, sections of the Nigerian media and political commentary class have fallen short of this responsibility, particularly in their coverage and interpretation of the 2023 presidential election.
Writing from Houston, Texas, Osaikhuiwu argues that rather than critically examining the political realities behind the outcome, some media platforms amplified unsubstantiated allegations of electoral fraud by defeated candidates without sufficiently interrogating the evidence. This, he says, has contributed to public distrust and weakened confidence in critical democratic institutions, particularly the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and the judiciary.
He highlights a key principle of electoral politics that he believes has been largely overlooked: when opposition forces divide their strength among competing candidates, they can strengthen the position of an incumbent under a winner-takes-all system. He cites examples from the United States, including Ross Perot’s impact in 1992 and Ralph Nader’s role in 2000.
Applying the same principle to Nigeria in 2023, Osaikhuiwu notes that Peter Obi and Atiku Abubakar contested separately against President Bola Tinubu. Although their combined votes exceeded Tinubu’s total, elections are decided by the votes secured by individual candidates under established rules, not by post-election addition of rivals’ tallies.
Looking ahead to 2027, he observes a similar opposition configuration emerging, with Atiku and Obi again pursuing separate ambitions. While acknowledging the economic hardships associated with Tinubu’s reforms and the administration’s political vulnerability, Osaikhuiwu stresses that public dissatisfaction does not automatically translate into an organised electoral movement capable of defeating an incumbent.
He criticises suggestions by some media personalities that the 2027 elections will be rigged even before they take place, describing such pronouncements as irresponsible. Journalists, he argues, must interrogate claims, examine evidence and educate the public rather than merely amplify the statements of political actors.
Osaikhuiwu maintains that while there may have been logistical shortcomings in 2023, these did not materially alter the final outcome, which was declared by INEC and upheld through the judicial process. Disagreement with a result, he says, is not in itself evidence of fraud.
He concludes that if the opposition genuinely seeks to defeat Tinubu in 2027, it must address its divisions and build a viable electoral coalition. Individual popularity, social media enthusiasm and public dissatisfaction cannot substitute for organisation, coalition-building and grassroots mobilisation.
“Journalism must educate, not mislead. Political commentary must analyze, not merely amplify. And democracy must be grounded in electoral reality, not political wishful thinking,” he writes.
Opinion
Nigeria Must Sustain Power Rotation Arrangement, Says Babarinsa
Published
1 week agoon
November 6, 2026By
Basit Saba
Veteran journalist and Chairman of Gaskia Media Limited, Dare Babarinsa, has called on Nigeria to sustain its informal power-rotation arrangement between the North and South, arguing that the system remains important for political stability and national unity.
Babarinsa said the presidency should return to the North in 2031 and move back to the South in 2039, maintaining that the arrangement should remain in place until Nigerians develop a more suitable alternative.
He made the position known on Monday, November 2, while delivering a public lecture at the Press Centre, Iyaganku, Ibadan, as part of activities marking the 60th anniversary of the Oyo State Council of the Nigerian Union of Journalists (NUJ).
Speaking on the theme of Nigeria’s political arrangement and the future of the media, Babarinsa acknowledged criticisms of the rotational presidency, particularly from those who believe that every qualified Nigerian should be allowed to contest for the highest political office regardless of region.
However, he argued that Nigeria’s political circumstances make power rotation a practical arrangement for maintaining stability, even if it may not always produce the most suitable candidate.
According to him, the arrangement emerged from political negotiations ahead of the return to civilian rule in 1999, following the deaths of former military Head of State, General Sani Abacha, and the presumed winner of the June 12, 1993 presidential election, Chief Moshood Abiola.
Babarinsa recalled that after Abacha’s death in 1998, General Abdulsalami Abubakar assumed leadership and introduced a transition programme aimed at ending military rule by May 29, 1999.
He said the death of Abiola, who was detained by the military government, created concerns about the political future of the Yoruba people and influenced discussions over the region that should produce Nigeria’s first civilian president after military rule.
The journalist disclosed that he was among members of the Idile Oodua resistance movement who supported the position that the South-West should produce the first president under the new democratic arrangement.
He said he was subsequently mandated by members of the group to consult the late Ooni of Ife, Oba Okunade Sijuwade, who told him that traditional rulers across the country were also holding consultations on the matter.
According to Babarinsa, the discussions contributed to the emergence of two Yoruba presidential candidates in the 1999 election: former President Olusegun Obasanjo of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and Chief Olu Falae, who contested under the Alliance for Democracy and All Peoples Party coalition.
He also recalled that former Vice-President Alex Ekwueme disagreed with the arrangement, arguing that the South-East could not be bound by an agreement reached principally between political interests in the North and South-West.
Babarinsa said he agreed with Ekwueme’s interpretation that power should rotate between the North and South rather than among the six geopolitical zones.
He explained that the arrangement had continued through successive administrations, including the emergence of former President Goodluck Jonathan following the death of President Umaru Yar’Adua and the subsequent election of former President Muhammadu Buhari.
With President Bola Tinubu currently in office, Babarinsa argued that the existing arrangement should be sustained, with power returning to the North after the current administration and subsequently moving back to the South.
To support his argument, he compared Nigeria’s power-sharing arrangement with the confessional system adopted in Lebanon in 1943, under which key political offices were allocated to different religious communities to promote political balance.
He said Nigeria could learn from such arrangements, insisting that political compromises sometimes become necessary in countries with diverse ethnic, religious and regional interests.
“If we intend to keep Nigeria, then we need to make this special arrangement work until future generations are able to make a better arrangement,” he said.
Babarinsa reflects on Ibadan’s journalism legacy
Beyond the political question, Babarinsa used the lecture to examine the history of journalism in Ibadan and the contribution of the city to the development of Nigeria’s media industry.
He described Ibadan as a major centre of political and media influence, noting that its newspapers had produced some of the country’s most prominent journalists, editors and public commentators.
He recalled the establishment of the Nigerian Tribune in 1949 by Chief Obafemi Awolowo and the creation of the Sketch newspaper group in 1964 by the then Premier of the Western Region, Chief Ladoke Akintola.
He also highlighted the contributions of prominent journalists, including Felix Adenaike, Segun Osoba and Peter Ajayi, whom he described as the Three Musketeers of the Nigerian media during the Second Republic.
According to him, the trio wielded considerable influence in the industry through their leadership positions at the Tribune and Sketch newspaper groups.
Babarinsa also acknowledged the contributions of former journalists and columnists, including Alhaji Lateef Jakande, Chief Bola Ige, Chief Olabisi Onabanjo, Aare Afe Babalola and Dr Tai Solarin.
He said the history of journalism in Ibadan was closely connected to the political development of the country, recalling the debates on issues such as the International Monetary Fund loan, diarchy and rotational presidency.
The journalist urged members of the profession to preserve that tradition by ensuring that the media remained a platform for informed public debate and the promotion of ideas capable of strengthening Nigeria.
Media organisations urged to embrace digital transformation
Addressing the challenges facing the industry, Babarinsa warned that traditional media organisations must urgently adapt to the changing media environment or risk losing relevance.
He said the internet had disrupted conventional news production and distribution, creating new opportunities while also allowing unregulated online platforms to compete with established media organisations.
According to him, several traditional newspapers have established online platforms, but their digital presence has not translated into the level of revenue needed to sustain their operations.
He cited the decline of once-dominant media organisations such as the Daily Times and Sketch as examples of the changes that have reshaped the industry.
Babarinsa recalled that Sketch newspaper had a daily circulation of about 60,000 copies during the 1970s and 1980s but had since ceased publication, with its former premises converted into a shopping mall.
He also expressed concern over declining newspaper readership among young Nigerians, warning that a society with an increasingly uninformed population could struggle to appreciate and defend democracy.
The Gaskia Media chairman said media organisations must follow their audiences into the digital space and develop business models that can sustain quality journalism.
He disclosed that his organisation had also decided to strengthen its online presence through the publication of a digital magazine, beginning with an online news blog.
Journalists urged to defend democracy and uphold professional standards
Babarinsa further reminded journalists of their role in Nigeria’s democratic development, particularly during the struggle against military rule.
He said members of the Nigerian press had suffered imprisonment, exile and other forms of persecution in the fight for the restoration of democracy, with some journalists paying the ultimate price.
He maintained that journalists therefore had a responsibility to protect the democratic system and ensure that the country’s electoral processes remained credible.
With the 2027 general election approaching, he urged media professionals to play their part by providing accurate information and encouraging informed public participation.
The Independent National Electoral Commission has scheduled the presidential and National Assembly elections for January 16, 2027, while governorship and State Houses of Assembly elections are fixed for February 6, 2027.
Babarinsa said journalists must remain committed to the fundamental principles of the profession, stressing that factual accuracy should remain central to news reporting while allowing room for responsible advocacy.
He urged journalists to advocate for the national interest, rather than restrict their work to positions that may be politically convenient.
Calls for greater inclusion of young journalists and women
Looking towards the future, Babarinsa called for greater opportunities for young journalists and women in the profession, saying the industry must deliberately prepare a new generation of media leaders.
He cited the careers of prominent journalists who assumed major editorial and management positions at relatively young ages, including Peter Enahoro, Olusegun Osoba, Yemi Ogunbiyi, Yakubu Mohammed, Ray Ekpu and Adamu Ciroma.
According to him, the history of Nigerian journalism demonstrates that young professionals have consistently played important roles in driving the industry forward.
He urged established media practitioners to listen to younger colleagues, particularly members of Generation Z, and create opportunities for them to contribute to the future of the profession.
Babarinsa also called for more deliberate efforts to bring women into leadership positions, noting that the industry could no longer remain dominated by men.
He expressed optimism about the future of journalism, despite concerns over poor remuneration, declining newspaper circulation and competition from digital platforms.
The veteran journalist concluded by urging the profession to embrace change, drawing attention to the need for innovation in newspaper production, technology and audience engagement.
Quoting a principle he attributed to Professor Ladipo Adamolekun, Babarinsa said the media industry must adapt to changing realities to remain relevant.
“Adapt or Die!” he declared.
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