Columnist Ikeddy Isiguzo has raised fresh questions about the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway project and President Bola Tinubu’s second-term campaign strategy.

In his latest piece, Isiguzo criticised what he described as inconsistencies in explanations offered by Works Minister David Umahi regarding changes to the multi-billion-dollar highway.

He argued that the project, originally presented as a flagship infrastructure plan, has faced technical and financial challenges that were not adequately addressed at the outset.

Isiguzo recalled earlier concerns he raised in 2024 about the absence of detailed technical designs, environmental assessments and competitive bidding processes.

He also commented on the political dimensions of the project, noting recent statements by the minister linking adjustments to the route with presidential directives.

Turning to the 2027 elections, the columnist suggested that President Tinubu appears reluctant to campaign extensively across the country, preferring to rely on party structures and selected regional appearances.

Isiguzo listed proposed campaign locations and questioned the exclusion of certain states, interpreting the itinerary as a sign of limited political confidence.

He further criticised the ruling party’s internal dynamics, including competition among senior figures for future positions.

The column concluded with a brief reference to recent comments by the Edo State APC chairman on Peter Obi, describing them as extreme.

Isiguzo’s article continues his pattern of sharp commentary on governance and infrastructure under the current administration.

In the latest instalment of his Decoupling Sovereignty Index series, Max Amuchie examines the ethical obligations that arise when researchers adopt temporary identities to study decoupled zones.

Writing in The Sunday Stew, the Sundiata Post CEO and theorist argues that any methodology requiring a researcher to live under a borrowed role creates three unavoidable duties: the role must be disciplined, the researcher must be able to leave, and the deception must be ethically justified.

Amuchie treats the persona as a contract rather than a costume. He advises keeping the cover story thin, performing the assumed job properly, and setting clear boundaries before entering the field. These boundaries include never participating in illegal activity, never passing information to armed groups, never manipulating relationships solely to extract information, and never assuming the identity of a real person.

He stresses that the exit must be designed before entry. At the Sundiata Post Knowledge Lab, no researcher enters a zone until the exit plan is written down. This includes external check-ins, pre-agreed triggers for withdrawal, an ordinary departure story, and separating data from the person so that the community is not exposed after the researcher leaves.

On the ethics of “going dark,” Amuchie applies four tests: necessity, proportionality, protection and accountability. Immersion is justified only when remote or rapid methods cannot answer the research question.

The knowledge gained must outweigh the deception, and no observed person should face foreseeable harm. An independent panel must review and can veto any covert plan.

He addresses three hard cases: what to do if the researcher witnesses a crime, what happens if the persona is exposed, and how to disclose the method without endangering people. Life outranks the cover. Where imminent danger exists, the researcher must warn or withdraw even if it ends the assignment.

Amuchie insists that the duty runs both ways. The people observed must not pay a price for the findings, and the researcher must be trained, fairly paid and free to refuse or withdraw without penalty.

The column concludes that a lie in the field is defensible only when the later account is fully honest about the method. The people may be protected; the method may not.

Part 4 of the series will examine how field evidence is translated into scores on the Decoupling Sovereignty Index.

By Seun Oloketuyi

The omission of Ladi Adebutu and his running mate, Yemi Sowunmi-Kolapo, from the Independent National Electoral Commission’s (INEC) list for the 2027 Ogun State governorship election may have raised concerns within the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), but there are reasons the party remains confident that its candidate can still make the list.

At the centre of the dispute is Adebutu’s membership registration. His camp maintains that he completed the PDP’s digital registration, had his membership card printed and verified, and fulfilled the necessary requirements within the stipulated period. The Ogun PDP has also insisted that his name was included in the membership register submitted to INEC.

If the party can back these claims with verifiable records, it will have a strong basis to challenge the omission and ask the commission to reconsider its decision.

Another point in Adebutu’s favour is that INEC officials monitored the PDP governorship primary held on September 27, 2026, where he emerged as the party’s candidate. While monitoring the primary does not automatically settle the separate membership register issue, it forms part of the process that produced the PDP ticket.

INEC has explained that the omission of affected candidates is linked to compliance with membership register requirements under the Electoral Act 2026. The Supreme Court upheld the relevant provisions in its September 24 judgment. The law must be respected, but the facts surrounding each disputed case must also be properly examined.

The PDP has an opportunity to notify INEC of the omission and present supporting documents before the October 24, 2026 deadline. This gives the party a chance to demonstrate that it complied with the requirements and that Adebutu’s exclusion should be reviewed.

For Adebutu, the key is proving that his registration and the party’s submission of its membership register met the law. If the documents support the PDP’s position, INEC would have grounds to reconsider the omission in accordance with the law.

The issue also matters to Ogun voters, who deserve a fair opportunity to choose among candidates who meet the electoral requirements. Adebutu’s supporters believe he should have the opportunity to contest if he has fulfilled the conditions set by law.

Ultimately, political reactions will not decide this matter; the evidence will. The PDP must present its records, and INEC must assess them fairly.

Adebutu’s return to the list is not yet confirmed, but the case is far from over. If the PDP can prove that the requirements were met and his omission was unjustified, there is a strong basis for his name to be restored to INEC’s list.

Seun oloketuyi Author of How to Win Elections in Nigeria writes from Lagos.