Opinion
THE APC PRIMARIES: WINNERS AND LOSERS, SPORTSMANSHIP AND DEMOCRACY AS THE ULTIMATE WINNER
Published
3 months agoon
Politics, like sports, produces winners and losers. Every competition cannot end with everyone carrying home a trophy, and every election cannot produce multiple winners for a single office. At the conclusion of every democratic contest, there will be celebrations in some camps and disappointment in others. What ultimately distinguishes a mature democracy is not the absence of defeat, controversy or disagreement, but the capacity of participants to display sportsmanship, accept outcomes with dignity, pursue legitimate grievances through lawful channels and place the collective interest of democracy above personal ambitions.
The recently concluded primaries of the All Progressives Congress (APC) have once again demonstrated both the beauty and complexity of democratic politics. Across Nigeria’s 8,809 wards, millions of party members participated in one of the most expensive and extensive internal democratic exercises ever undertaken by a political party on the African continent. The party conducted primaries for 993 State House of Assembly constituencies, 360 House of Representatives constituencies, 109 Senate seats, governorship positions in states due for elections and the presidential ticket of the party. In practical terms, more than 1,462 legislative positions alone were subjected to democratic contests, in addition to governorship and presidential elections.
The magnitude of the exercise was extraordinary. Thousands of aspirants campaigned simultaneously across the federation. Millions of party members participated in selecting candidates. Thousands of election officials, observers, journalists, consultants, agents, volunteers and security personnel were mobilized. Ward structures came alive from the creeks of the Niger Delta to the savannah of the North, from the commercial centres of Lagos and Kano to remote communities scattered across the federation. Results were collated, disputes addressed and appeal mechanisms activated.
Yet, despite the sheer scale of the exercise, Nigeria remained peaceful.
Markets remained open. Businesses continued trading. Schools remained in session. Commercial flights took off and landed as scheduled. Public institutions functioned normally. Citizens carried on with their daily activities. The nation did not descend into widespread unrest despite the enormous political activity generated by the primaries.
That achievement deserves recognition and commendation.
Perhaps the most remarkable feature of the APC primaries was the adoption of the direct primary system, a process many observers have compared to the participatory spirit of the famous Option A4 model introduced during the political transition programme of former military President Ibrahim Babangida. Through this mechanism, political power moved beyond governors, ministers, senators and political elites and was placed directly in the hands of ordinary party members at the grassroots.
For perhaps the first time on such a nationwide scale, APC members in villages, towns, cities and communities across Nigeria were given the opportunity to directly determine who would represent the party in future elections.
The message was unmistakable.
The party belongs to its members.
Not to governors.
Not to ministers.
Not to senators.
Not to political godfathers.
Not even to the President.
But to the ordinary men and women who constitute the foundation of the party.
That is the essence of democratic participation.
Direct primaries are expensive. There is no denying that reality. Conducting elections across 8,809 wards simultaneously requires enormous financial resources, manpower, logistics and administrative coordination. Results recording materials must be distributed. Officials deployed. Security arrangements made. Results collected and verified.
Yet democracy is rarely cheap.
Participation has a cost.
Inclusion has a cost.
Legitimacy has a cost.
The reward, however, is that power becomes decentralized and decision-making is transferred from a handful of influential actors to ordinary party members.
The direct primary system compels aspirants to return to the grassroots. It forces politicians to reconnect with ordinary members. It rewards political relationships built over years rather than influence exercised from air-conditioned offices.
Indeed, one of the major lessons from the APC primaries is that money alone cannot guarantee victory in a direct primary election.
Financial resources may facilitate campaigns. They may improve logistics. They may enhance visibility. But they cannot easily substitute for popularity, grassroots structures, credibility and sustained engagement with party members.
Several prominent political figures discovered this reality too late.
Some highly placed office holders failed to secure nominations despite their visibility and influence. Some former ministers who left executive positions in pursuit of elective offices discovered that occupying public office does not automatically translate into grassroots popularity. Some lawmakers who had become accustomed to political comfort zones found themselves confronted by party members eager to exercise independent judgment.
In several constituencies and districts, party members selected candidates they considered more suitable, available and accessible to represent their interests.
That is democracy at work.
The result may be painful for some aspirants, but democracy was never designed to guarantee victory and painless.
It was designed to guarantee opportunity.
It was designed to guarantee participation.
It was designed to guarantee free choice.
The beauty of direct primaries lies in their capacity to reflect the authentic mood of the grassroots. Political history repeatedly demonstrates that it is difficult to suppress a genuinely popular candidate when ordinary voters are given direct access to the ballot.
Nigeria’s democratic experience provides perhaps the most famous example. During the historic 1993 Nigerian presidential election, widely regarded as one of the freest elections in the nation’s history, Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola secured victories across regional, ethnic and religious boundaries, including areas many analysts considered politically improbable against Bashir Tofa. The election demonstrated a timeless democratic truth: when citizens are genuinely allowed to express their preferences freely, popular candidates can transcend conventional political calculations.
That lesson remains relevant today.
It is difficult to defeat a candidate who genuinely enjoys overwhelming grassroots support when party members are given direct participation. The larger the electorate, the more difficult it becomes for narrow interests to impose outcomes contrary to popular sentiment.
The presidential primary itself was historic. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu emerged as the APC presidential candidate after securing an overwhelming majority of 10.9 Million votes cast by party members nationwide.
While a party primary should never be confused with a general election, the turnout demonstrated significant organizational strength and grassroots mobilization within the party.
Many political observers have interpreted the participation figures as a vote of confidence in President Tinubu’s leadership of both the party and the government.
Equally significant was the fact that the President himself faced a challenger.
The APC did not prevent the challenger from contesting.
It did not treat the aspiration as an act of rebellion.
It did not deny him access to the democratic process.
Instead, it allowed him to exercise his democratic right to test his popularity before party members nationwide.
That is democracy.
That is inclusion.
That is confidence in democratic institutions.
Following his victory, President Tinubu emphasized unity, democratic participation and inclusiveness. In acknowledging his challenger, he reinforced the principle that democratic competition should not create permanent enemies but strengthen democratic culture.
Every political giant was once unknown.
Every governor was once an aspirant.
Every senator once sought support.
Every president once requested votes.
Democracy creates opportunities where privilege alone cannot guarantee success.
The APC National Chairman also consistently emphasized party unity, reconciliation and internal democracy throughout the process. His repeated message was that while contests may produce winners and losers, the larger family of the party must remain united after the competition.
That message remains important.
Political contests are temporary.
Political institutions endure.
One notable development that generated political discussion was the decision of Siminalayi Fubara not to seek a second-term APC ticket. According to public statements from APC leaders, he successfully passed the party’s screening process. However, for reasons known principally to himself and those within his political circle, he ultimately did not proceed with the contest. As an old African proverb reminds us, a man does not inquire too deeply into the circumstances surrounding his father’s death until he possesses the strength and wisdom to confront the answers. Politics often contains dimensions visible only to those directly involved.
Beyond politics, the APC primaries generated substantial economic activity throughout Nigeria.
Campaign offices were rented and furnished. Hotels recorded increased occupancy. Vehicles were hired. Airlines transported campaign teams. Restaurants and caterers supplied food for meetings, consultations and rallies. Event centres hosted stakeholder engagements and political gatherings.
The advertising and communications sector experienced one of its busiest periods in recent years.
Political public relations professionals, media strategists, consultants, advertising agencies, printers, graphic designers and branding companies secured contracts worth millions of naira.
Campaign posters, banners, billboards, flyers and promotional materials decorated communities nationwide. Television stations benefited from paid interviews and sponsored political programmes. Radio stations hosted campaign discussions and special broadcasts. Newspapers carried advertisements and feature articles. Online media platforms generated substantial revenue through campaign-related content and digital advertising.
Social media became a major arena of political engagement. Facebook, Instagram, X, TikTok, YouTube and WhatsApp were transformed into platforms for persuasion, mobilization and voter outreach. Content creators, digital consultants and social media managers found themselves in high demand.
Experiential campaigns flourished.
Town hall meetings.
Stakeholder consultations.
Youth engagements.
Women mobilization programmes.
Community interactions.
Ward meetings.
Political rallies.
All these activities created opportunities for event managers, decorators, photographers, videographers, sound engineers, logistics providers and countless service professionals.
Campaign merchandise flooded communities nationwide. Thousands of T-shirts, face caps, umbrellas, notebooks, calendars, shopping bags and promotional souvenirs were produced by local manufacturers. Textile suppliers benefited. Tailors secured contracts. Embroidery companies expanded production. Transportation providers moved supporters and campaign teams across communities.
From roadside printers in local government headquarters to major advertising agencies in Lagos and Abuja, countless businesses benefited from the circulation of campaign resources.
The APC primaries therefore became not merely a political exercise but also a significant contributor to economic activity and temporary employment generation.
Another issue that generated debate concerns aspirants facing investigations or court proceedings.
Here, constitutional principles must remain paramount.
An allegation is not a conviction.
An investigation is not a conviction.
A trial is not a conviction.
Under the rule of law, every citizen remains innocent until proven guilty by a court of competent jurisdiction.
Political parties are not courts of law.
They are not judicial tribunals.
They are not moral temples established to determine guilt or innocence.
Their constitutional responsibility is to facilitate political participation within the framework of the law.
Where the Constitution, electoral laws or final judicial pronouncements disqualify an individual, such provisions must naturally be respected. However, where no legal disqualification exists, the determination of guilt remains exclusively the responsibility of the courts.
To replace due process with suspicion would undermine the foundations of constitutional democracy.
As Nelson Mandela once observed, a critical, independent and investigative press is the lifeblood of democracy.
Criticism therefore has an important place in democratic society.
Complaints should be investigated.
Questions should be asked.
Transparency should be encouraged.
However, criticism must also be fair.
Achievements deserve recognition just as shortcomings deserve scrutiny.
At this point, one is reminded of the biblical admonition:
“Let him who is without sin cast the first stone.”
Before condemning an exercise involving millions of participants and thousands of contestants, critics should identify a democracy anywhere in the world that consistently conducts elections without disputes, petitions, appeals, disagreements or litigation.
Such perfection does not exist. Or it can be found in the graveyard only.
As Winston Churchill famously observed:
“Democracy is the worst form of government except for all those other forms that have been tried.”
Similarly, Barack Obama noted:
“The hallmark of a functioning democracy is not whether everybody agrees, but whether people can disagree peacefully.”
And Abraham Lincoln provided perhaps democracy’s most enduring definition:
“Government of the people, by the people, for the people.”
Even William Shakespeare understood the complexities of leadership and public judgment when he wrote:
“The fault, dear Brutus, is not in our stars, but in ourselves.”
Democratic societies succeed not because they are perfect but because they continually strive for improvement.
The APC primaries have also demonstrated a growing maturity within Nigeria’s democratic culture. Despite the enormous number of participants and contestants, democratic institutions continued to function. The republic endured. The political system absorbed disagreements without descending into widespread instability.
That is progress.
That is democratic consolidation.
At this stage, the wisdom of legendary Juju maestro Chief Ebenezer Obey becomes particularly relevant. In one of his memorable narratives, he tells the story of a father and son travelling with a donkey. When the father rode the donkey while the son walked, onlookers condemned him as heartless. When the father dismounted and allowed the son to ride while he walked, the same public condemned the son as disrespectful and the father as foolish. The lesson was profound: no matter what decision is taken, there will always be critics. Human beings are often difficult to satisfy completely.
Politics follows the same pattern.
No election will satisfy everyone.
No primary will please every aspirant.
No democratic process will escape criticism.
Leaders must therefore focus on fairness, participation, transparency and accountability, leaving posterity to render the final judgment.
However, every success story carries lessons and warnings.
The APC must not mistake success in internal primaries for guaranteed victory in the 2027 general elections.
A training session is not the same as a championship match against another formidable opponent.
Political strategists understand that internal party contests and national elections operate under entirely different dynamics. What succeeds within party structures may not automatically translate into victory against determined opposition parties in a general election.
The party must therefore avoid complacency.
It should pay close attention to voter sentiment in the South-West and other strategic regions. Political strongholds should never be taken for granted.
Loyalty grows when citizens feel respected, heard and rewarded through good governance.
The APC must also move swiftly to reconcile aggrieved aspirants and their supporters.
Politics is a game of addition, not subtraction.
Every disappointed aspirant represents supporters, associates, financiers and political structures.
Ignoring grievances can create opportunities for opponents.
That is why reconciliation is not merely desirable.
It is essential.
The leadership of the party at national, state and local levels should embark upon deliberate consultations, peace initiatives and confidence-building measures. Political bridges should be repaired before they become political fault lines.
A farmer who neglects his crops should not be surprised when another farmer harvests them.
Political parties must continually cultivate, encourage and retain their members.
Most importantly, governments at all levels must remain focused on governance.
Citizens want more security.
Citizens want more jobs.
Citizens want more stable prices.
Citizens want more quality healthcare.
Citizens want more better schools.
Citizens want more better roads and affordable mass transportation system.
Citizens want more electricity.
Citizens want more housing.
Citizens want more economic opportunities.
Citizens want more macroeconomic stability translated into better microeconomic prosperity for families, workers, traders, artisans, farmers and small businesses.
Politics is not an end in itself.
It is a means to improving the lives of the people.
In the final analysis, the APC primaries have demonstrated government of the people , by the people , for the people and that internal democracy is alive and evolving within Nigeria’s political system. They have empowered ordinary party members. They have strengthened grassroots participation. They have generated economic activity. They have reinforced democratic competition. They have highlighted the importance of sportsmanship .
Finally .
There were winners.
There were losers.
There were celebrations.
There were disappointments.
Yet above all else, one truth stands unmistakably clear.
Democracy was the ultimate winner.
Political victories are temporary.
Political defeats are temporary.
But democratic institutions endure when citizens and leaders alike respect the rules of the game.
The APC primaries have provided another opportunity for Nigeria to deepen democratic culture, strengthen internal party democracy and reinforce the timeless principle that political legitimacy ultimately flows from the people.
And in the final judgment of history—not emotion, bitterness or temporary political passions—the enduring verdict may well be that while individuals won and lost, democracy itself emerged victorious.
By Prince Adeyemi Shonibare
Public Affairs Analyst and Media Consultant.
Opinion
In Defence of Governor Dauda Lawal’s Administration Against Social Media Campaign of Calumny
Published
1 day agoon
August 18, 2026
By Oladapo Sofowora,
While many are wondering why naysayers of Governor Dauda Lawal are angered by his growing influence in Zamfara and Nigeria’s political space, which has led to his consistent inclusion in President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s foreign trips entourage, such critics are rather myopic or economical with the truth.
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Instead, they should be excited that a highly cerebral and financially prudent Governor like him is being included in these high-level diplomatic engagements, from which Zamfara stands to gain significantly.
These trips open the state to better strategic positioning and create room for foreign direct investment in agricultural development, mining and mineral resources and other critical sectors.
While counting its gains and celebrating that a state once known as Nigeria’s poverty capital is gradually reclaiming its lost glory, all thanks to Governor Dauda Lawal, many are playing politics with the collective future of Zamfara’s people.
The recent malicious and unverified post with the headline “ZAMFARA, Hijacked by Thieves!!” being shared across social media maligning and casting aspersions on Governor Dauda Lawal should not be overlooked by well-meaning Nigerians rather we all should collectively rebuke the author for trying to spread falsehood ignorantly by positing unverified stories to start a campaign of calumny against Governor Lawal and the Zamfara State Government.
The author is definitely on a mission to paint a picture that does not reflect the true situation on the ground.
Despite the opposition’s constant wailing, Zamfara has continued to shine, recording not only a change in fortune but also unprecedented infrastructural development across the state one not witnessed since the creation of the state decades ago.
Many states have even called for the Zamfara blueprint to be replicated elsewhere to achieve similar success. This shows that Governor Lawal is getting things right with his policies and also ways of actualising them.
Personally, despite witnessing all the developmental strides of Governor Lawal in Zamfara State, I find it essential to speak up against the lies being peddled online about a Governor who is financially prudent and has ensured that Zamfara experiences unprecedented development.
He could easily have opened the state’s purse and spent like a drunken sailor, but instead, he chose to invest in healthcare delivery, educational development, security, women’s empowerment, skills acquisition, infrastructural development, agriculture, transportation and more.
Governor Lawal is Attracting Investment and Not Junketing Around the World
The author alleged that Governor Lawal spent millions of dollars on globe-trotting despite the figures being overly inflated by the author to suit his agenda, but conveniently ignores the results of these diplomatic missions. The world does not invest in a state it cannot see. Governor Lawal has been a tireless advocate for Zamfara’s visibility on the global stage.
Unlike previous administrations, this government has actively engaged with development partners and investors, positioning Zamfara as an investment hub, a strategy that contributed to the recent launch of the $200 million Zamfara Lithium Mining and Processing Plant operated by ZAM Mining Co. Ltd in Boko Village, Zurmi LGA, a joint investment by Chinese firm Jinlide Co. Ltd, Bima Mines and other partners. In business, you use money to make money and for Zamfara, foreign direct investment has not only positioned the state as an investment destination but has also created jobs and revenue opportunities that will drive sustainable development.
The trips the author listed have further secured critical partnerships in agriculture, infrastructure and security. The so-called “first-class tickets” and “charters” are standard for high-level diplomatic engagements, designed to protect the safety and security of the state’s number one citizen.
This is not a luxury; it is a necessity and protocols allow for such travel arrangements. As Governor Dauda Lawal has always advocated for open books and financial prudence with his budget performance published annually, the financial allocations the author mentioned are for official purposes and are documented not pocketed.
The accusations are merely beer-parlour talk, given the massive influx of international support currently benefiting Zamfara State.
The United Nations Secretary-General, Mrs Amina Mohammed recently paid a visit to the state where he lauded the governor for his strides also the educational sector is receiving positive attention from a global educational development body.
These are gains of the foreign trips and every kobo spent is properly appropriated and accounted for in the budget performance.
On the allegations of lavish spending on aides, the author also listed inflated figures allegedly allocated to the Governor’s close aides, figures that are clearly obnoxious.
One wonders whether the author was present when the money he quoted was disbursed. The figures are merely a figment of his imagination, a blatant lie from the pit of hell.
All those mentioned have vehemently disclosed that they only receive allocations tied to their offices, as required by law and that nothing extra was paid.
The way the author quoted figures in dollars suggests he believes the dollar is official legal tender in Nigeria, which shows the author is simply trying to sell lies in a palatable way.
On ACReSAL and Development Contracts, the author has attempted to paint contracts for rural development as a “looting” exercise.
This is an insult to the hardworking people of Zamfara, who can see where their taxes are being put to good use and where allocations are being expended.
Some states award contracts that never see the light of day, but the contracts the author mentioned are verifiable and are actively being executed by the administration or some have been delivered.
In Zamfara, contracts are bid for with solid requirements and when any contractor meets the required standards and demonstrates capacity, such contracts are awarded. Nobody unbiased can see the work being done by Governor Lawal and call it inferior.
Contracts in Zamfara are executed with quality specifications and in line with stipulated procurement processes.
According to sources, many contractors are awarded jobs based on performance and track records. As regards the allegation that contracts are given to Governor Lawal himself, that is a complete falsehood. Governor Lawal is not a contractor. He was a seasoned investment banker before venturing into politics.
If the author can provide the name of Governor Lawal as director or owner of any company that has received contracts from Zamfara State, let him do so by publishing with facts and not mere assumption in a bid to distort the truth.
On the ACReSAL Project, the administration is actively implementing the Agro-Climatic Resilience in Semi-Arid Landscapes (ACReSAL) project.
Just recently, the project supported 1,000 Zamfara farmers with agricultural inputs and improved seeds to enhance food security.
The contracts listed are not handouts to “friends”; they are development projects awarded to qualified firms. For instance, the ACReSAL project has specific contracts for flood and erosion control, such as the reclamation of 1,000 hectares in Gusau and Bungudu LGAs. These are projects that save lives and land.
The Governor is committed to ensuring that the disbursement of funds actually delivers visible projects, unlike the previous administration where money was simply “shared” without any physical legacy.
The “Outsiders” Claim
The author also claims that over 90% of contracts are going to “outsiders” is a blatant lie. The government is transparently awarding contracts based on competence, speed and capacity.
The pace of development across Zamfara and its local governments is unprecedented. His Excellency is focused on leaving a legacy of infrastructure. The billions of naira being spent on roads, hospitals and the airport are not “looted”; they are being constructed.
The Airport recently had Zamfara pilgrims going for holy pilgrimage in Saudi Arabia fly and land after performing Hajj. We see the roads, the new Government House renovations, the solar power lighting up communities, the hospitals, the primary healthcare centres, the schools and more.
The author also mentioned a Zamfara indigene who got a contract based on their capacity. The question to be asked is were contracts not carried out and delivered? When an indigenous company gets a contract, the effect trickles down to the people because it’s a way of making funds move around the local economy.
Governor Lawal has always advocated that 80% of Labour for Zamfara contracts should be picked from the people within the community this will create job opportunities and will also ensure inclusion in terms of economic effect on the people who will benefit from getting paid.
On the security funds embezzlement allegation, I also find it deeply offensive that the writer would accuse the Governor and his aides of embezzling funds intended for security. Governor Dauda Lawal has made security his top priority, investing heavily in the security architecture of the state.
In the 2025 budget, security constitutes 6% of the total N545 billion “RESCUE BUDGET 2.0,” totalling N32.28 billion allocated to security interventions.
The Governor has established the Community Protection Guard (CPG), which has curtailed the level of insecurity experienced before the advent of his administration.
He has also been a vocal advocate for state police, arguing that it would give governors genuine authority as chief security officers to combat insecurity effectively.
The results are there for all to see: attacks have reduced, farmers are returning to their lands, and communities that were once deserted are now being repopulated. To insinuate that this administration is embezzling security funds is to insult the sacrifices of our gallant security forces who risk their lives daily to protect Zamfara citizens.
As much as I have wanted to look away from the lies being peddled, posterity would judge me for keeping quiet when such falsehoods are being consumed hook, line and sinker by many who believe them.
The allegations are nothing but cheap political tricks. The administration under Governor Dauda Lawal has empowered more Zamfara indigenes in the last two years than in the previous ten.
However, the administration should not allow a “taxi” company without the machinery to execute a multi-billion-naira road project just to satisfy the quota of “indigeneship.” The government is building a state not an employment bureau for political cronies.
I urge the public to disregard this baseless blackmail. The Governor remains undeterred in its mission to reset the Zamfara narrative. The administration of Governor Lawal is open to scrutiny, but should not entertain a critique that ignores the visible evidence of development.
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The administration’s books are open, projects are visible and the Governor is firmly on the ground politically. Instead of spreading falsehoods, the author should visit these project sites and see for himself the transformation of a state finally freed from the shackles of poor leadership.
By Bola BOLAWOLE,
Dr. Segun Osoba, Marxist scholar and historian, was one of my mentors and role models. Our paths crossed long before I came face-to-face with the enigma at the then University of Ife, now Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, where he not only taught me courses in the History department, but was also our staff adviser and comrade.
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Cerebral and unflinchingly principled, Osoba snubbed the usual hussle, if I may call it that, of many academics to attain to the professoral status, preferring to remain “Dr.” even though everyone knew he was not the mate of many a professor!
For me, Osoba’s fame travelled far ahead of him. Appointed by the Murtala Muhammed regime into the Constitution Drafting Committee in October 1975, Osoba, together with his ideological soulmate, Dr. Bala Usman of the History department of the Ahmadu Bello University (ABU), Zaria, broke ranks with the other members of the CDC to author a people-oriented draft Constitution that made the Nigerian people’s interests, aspirations and well-being its focal point. It was termed the Minority Report.
Expectedly, the conservative Olusegun Obasanjo regime that succeeded Murtala Muhammed rejected the Osoba/Bala Usman report while accepting the report of the majority members of the CDC on September 14, 1976. The CDC was chaired by Chief FRA Williams.
The majority/minority report divide apart, the CDC was not without its controversies: The sage, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, had declined to serve on the committee, thereby reducing its members from 50 to 49. There was also the debate as to what would have been the choice of a much more radical Murtala Muhammed had he not been assassinated on February 13, 1976.
Specifically because of Osoba and Bala Usman, I chose to study History in the university! And I was fortunate to drink from the fountain of knowledge at the feet of Dr. Osoba on and off the classroom. As comrades, our relationship did not end at Ife; usually, comradeship is a life-long endeavour.
In late December 2023, after a spell of ‘long-time-no-see’, four of us old students/comrades of Comrade Osoba decided to visit him at his Ijebu-Ode residence – Femi Falana, SAN; Ambassador Ayo Olukanni; Kayode Komolafe (K.K.) and my humble self.
Comrade was still his very sharp and humorous self. Despite his health challenges, he still “recognised” each and everyone of us by our voice. We discussed for hours and it was amazing that ill-health spared his intellect. He was his familiar self – analytical, even if caustic, going down memory lane and recalling facts and figures as if he was reading them from a book spread out before him.
We promised to return. Unfortunately, we procrastinated, despite Olukanni’s repeated prodding. But as individuals, we attended his 90th birthday celebration held at Ijebu-Ode on 9th January, 2025. His book, “Critical and Contentious Issues in the Modern and Contemporary History of Nigeria: Collected Writings of Samuel Olusegun Osoba”, which was unveiled at the occasion, adorns my Library. See also my “Tributes to Comrade (Dr.) Segun Osoba at 90”, published in this column in the Wednesday, 15 January, 2025 edition of the New Telegraph newspaper.
Dr. Osoba passed away peacefully at home in Ijebu-Ode on 14 May, 2026. A flurry of activities by comrades from all the nooks and crannies of this country as well as abroad celebrated his life, extolled his virtues, pledged to continue the struggle from where he stopped, and bid him farewell from this earthly plane. In this were the words of Che Guevara fulfilled: “Wherever death may surprise us, let it be welcome, provided that this, our battle cry, may have reached some receptive ear and another hand may be extended to wield our weapons (Message to the Tricontinental, 1967).”
I was unable to participate fully in some of the activities because of the tragedy that fell at my doorsteps at about the same time.
First, my elder sister’s husband, Gabriel Alani Olusola Omiyale, died on June 11, 2026 at the age of 89 years. He was a mentor. Then came the bombshell: His daughter – and my sister’s second child, Abosede Oluwayemisi – died the same month on June 29th at the age of 54!
That was massive! To say we were devastated is an understatement. If the pains that attended Bose’s death remain indescribable, the ways and manners of her husband and his family immediately before and after her death remain a puzzle. They rubbed insults on our injury.
They desecrated our Yoruba customs and traditions. Bose had heroically battled the scourge of breast cancer; after undergoing an operation, we were all optimistic she was on the path to full recovery until tests showed she needed more medical attention.
Naturally, she was devastated but, gradually, she built up the confidence and strength required to see her through. No stone was left unturned by her extended family who did not leave the load for the husband and his family to carry. All hands were on deck.
The extended family had always been there for Bose. Her siblings had been wonderful; never allowing her husband’s unstable job situation to show or affect Bose’s treatment and other needs, including her children’s education and welfare. I also played my part. I am grateful to everyone who responded to our clarion call in many ways.
We were hopeful we would all pull through it and that Bose’s case would be another testimony that cancer can be beaten. All she needed – as much as medicare – were words of encouragement and support. That, however, became the weakest link!
Act one: Against the best advice of her mother, my niece was made to consume a concoction that turned the tide. According to her husband, the concoction was procured by his own brother in Akure, Ondo state, taken to a church for prayers after which it was dispatched through a motorpark! Bose drank this concoction and started vomiting. In his own testimonies, Bose’s husband took her to a hospital where she was given drips, which gave her some strength, but because the doctor was late in coming, he took her back home despite the fact that the test they ran indicated that she had a blood infection! That night at home, she started vomiting again and, according to the husband’s testimony, he took her again to the hospital by 1.30am. She was left unattended until late afternoon when she fell into a coma! Bose’s blood infection was never treated until she passed away!
Act Two: Our standard practice had been to always double-check whatever a doctor said or prescribed, but on this fatal day, Bose’s husband kept all of us in the dark. We were not told of the blood infection. We were not alerted when she started vomiting again in the night. We were not informed when he took her again to the hospital. According to him, Bose walked with her own legs into the hospital, climbing the row of stairs all by herself.
Act Three: At the hospital, the husband took Bose’s phone and locked it in the car parked downstairs. So she had no access to her phone – to call out or receive in-coming calls. She was held incommunicado. And there was no one else there with the husband and wife. He called noone; he also snubbed repeated incoming calls into his own phone, including from my elder sister, who is Bose’s mother.
Act four: Later that afternoon, the husband called me to say Bose was not responding to treatment and that I should start interceding for her. I was aghast! I had been waiting all day for them to link up with me for a scheduled appointment. Later, a female voice using the husband’s phone called me to quickly come to the hospital. I was on my way there when Bose’s second child, a girl writing exams at the Obafemi Awolowo University, called me, sobbing! “Daddy, what is happening to my Mom? My Daddy called me and said my Mummy is in coma” Coma! “Yes, sir”, the girl replied, “and my Daddy said my Mummy is dead!” I almost lost control of the wheel because I was driving.
Act Five: On getting to the hospital, they had already started embalming Bose! I screamed at the husband, but the hospital staff restrained me. Why the haste? Without any of her family members present! A thousand thoughts ran riot in my head. At 6.28 pm, Bose’s mortal remains were deposited in the morgue and we left.
Act Six: While we were agonizing about how to break the sad news to Bose’s mother, her husband and his family had posted Bose’s death on every conceivable social media platform, breaking the news to her young children, the oldest of whom is just a little over 20 years while the youngest is 14!
Act seven: We the siblings of Bose’s mother wanted a decent burial for her. We wanted her dreams and visions for her children respected. Bose’s husband and his family spurned all of that! They weaponized Bose’s young children against us. They threw their so-called customs and traditions in our face at every turn – as if the Yoruba have no customs and traditions. They employed deceit and subterfuge and hurriedly committed Bose to mother earth without any of her family members present! We warned! They ignored and played games!
Google says Edema is a name answered by both the Urhobo and Itsekiri people of Delta state. Does their culture permit the trumping of Yoruba customs and traditions? Should a husband boast to his children – while their mother was still battling cancer – that, if she dies, he will remarry? So, expect his wedding invitation!
Also read: When Port Harcourt hosted Wole Soyinka
Had Bose died of cancer, our pains would have been less insufferable; but she did not! Were they tired of the stress and wanted closure so they could move on with their own life? Hastened to her death! Hurried to the grave! This is to put the records straight. Our immediate attention, however, is the good health of Bose’s mother – and Daddy Omiyale’s burial slated for 29th and 30th of October this year.
Let Dr. Segun Osoba rest in power! And eternal rest grant Abosede Oluwayemisi Edema (nee Omiyale), O Lord!
(Published in the TREASURES column on the back page of the Wednesday, 5 August, 2026 edition of the New Telegraph newspaper).
By Dr. Sam Akpe,
The hall wore a robe of expectations as minutes ticked towards the hour. The city was wrapped in the mood of impending festivity. Something was in the air. Road safety personnel and armed policemen were on duty—directing traffic and maintaining orderliness along Woji Road.
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A walk into the event hall felt like an excursion into a carnival. From the urbane music equipment emitting jazzy tunes, to the symmetrically-arranged seats, the arty wall decorations, and the storybook backdrop, poetry was on display.
Outside, directly opposite the car park, a massive poster announcing the event in the making—the Annual Wole Soyinka Lecture with a life-size portrait of the literary legend—exhibited what was about to unfold.
The imposing poster also indicated two other persons—the technocrat extraordinaire, Chief Ndutimi Alaibe, as chairman of the day, while the former Aviation and Aerospace Development Minister, Chief Osita Chidoka—was the guest speaker.
Indeed, almost the entire Port Harcourt—a city of political frenzy, soaked in oily wealth but surrounded by shantytowns—was in colourful feel of expectancy, as it awaited the arrival of Akinwande Oluwole Babatunde Soyinka, Africa’s first Nobel Laureate in Literature.
Then almost surreptitiously, the literary idol walked into the hall unannounced. Except for his traditional white hair, the big smile, and the hawk-like penetrating eyes, the hall almost missed his entry. Eventually, everyone rose in honour of the reverential figure—the father of modern political literature.
The 92-years old, with a deep voice, was in the city not just to attend a lecture in his honour, but to participate in a highbrow yearly ritual of the National Association of Seadogs, also called Pyrates Confraternity—a body of intellectual militants founded by him several decades ago.
It turned out to be quite an explosive event. Chairman of the summit, Chief Ndutimi Alaibe, known simply as ‘Timi, paid extensive tributes Wole Soyinka before setting the tone for the lecture that triggered off wide-ranging discussions.
‘Timi told the audience that Nigeria is immeasurably better today because of people like Soyinka who, throughout his remarkable journey, has consistently chosen the harder path—the path of conscience, courage, and truth—when silence could have been safer, easier, and far more rewarding to him.
Labelling the scholarly sage as a man with generosity of spirit and loyalty to friends, he applauded Soyinka’s readiness to encourage worthy causes, and the extraordinary willingness to show up whenever principle, rather than prominence was needed.
He declared, “Today, we honour you not merely with words, but with our presence and our shared commitment to engage the very questions your life has posed to our nation for more than six decades—questions of justice, accountability, freedom, and the moral courage required to build a truly democratic society.”
Besides, the lecture, the event was also a celebration of those described as the National Association of Seadogs Martyrs—a group comprising members of the confraternity arrested on February 17, 1997, imprisoned and tortured by the military in Rivers State on accusation of undue radicalism.
Their ordeal, which lasted 72 days, stated Dr Joseph Oteri, the confraternity leader, was an unplanned journey into the darkest hell of the late General Sani Abacha’s regime, “for daring to believe that Nigeria deserved better than the boot of a dictator,” until they were freed by a court of law.
‘Timi noted that the arrest and prosecution of the Pyrates was basically “for refusing to be silent in the face of oppression” describing the victims as “enduring symbols of resilience and civil courage in the struggle for the restoration of democracy and the rule of law.”
He said the anniversary of the event reminded everyone that democracy not freely bestowed; but was won through the sacrifices of countless Nigerians –many celebrated, many unsung—who endured intimidation, persecution and personal loss in defence of freedom, justice and accountable governance.
Going down memory lane, he mentioned other martyrs of democracy to include “Dele Giwa, whose fearless journalism challenged military authoritarianism until it claimed his life, Ken Saro-Wiwa and the Ogoni Nine, whose martyrdom awakened the world’s conscience to environmental justice and human rights, Kudirat Abiola, whose courage sustained the struggle to reclaim a stolen democratic mandate.
“We remember Chief Alfred Rewane, whose unwavering commitment to democracy cost him his life. And we remember Chief Bola Ige, Nigeria’s former Attorney-General and Minister of Justice, whose assassination remains, to our enduring national shame, unresolved.”
Then he added: “Whether through imprisonment or assassination, torture or intimidation, these men and women bore heavy personal burdens so that future generations might live under the rule of law rather than the rule of fear.
“Their stories remind us that civil courage is not an abstract ideal. It is rather the willingness to stand for what is right, even when the consequences are severe and deadly.
“As we honour their memories today, may we also recommit ourselves to completing the work for which they sacrificed so much—building a Nigeria founded on justice, accountability, constitutional governance and respect for the dignity of every citizen.”
The hall sat in silence, except for intermittent applauses and fulfilled smiles from Soyinka as ‘Timi recalled rare moments of encounter with the erudite professor several years ago—a part of four decades of relationship that has profoundly shaped his understanding of what Soyinka means to Nigeria.
He mentioned an instance of close interaction in 2006 when, under the auspices of the Commission of Nobel Laureates, Soyinka was part of an international mission that visited the Niger Delta to promote peaceful dialogue and undertake a fact-finding exercise in the region—including a visit to the Niger Delta Development Commission, where ‘Timi served.
He recalled that after listening to their presentation, Soyinka remarked that the NDDC had taken on an enormous burden on behalf of a beleaguered region and deserved to be remembered as one of the positive initiatives of the Obasanjo administration, adding with characteristic generosity, “I will remember to commend him when next I see him.”
Two years later, ‘Timi’s late wife, Alaere, extended an invitation to the revered literary czar who was then in the United States, immersed in an exceptionally demanding schedule, to visit ‘Timi’s village of Igbainwari in Opokuma, Bayelsa State, to inaugurate the Wole Soyinka Library—an initiative of Alaere’s organisation, Family Reorientation, Education and Empowerment (FREE).
He revealed that what made that visit even more remarkable was that Soyinka “did not merely fly in to perform a ceremonial duty and depart. He chose to spend the night in our modest country home in that remote riverine community.
“For a man of such global stature—a Nobel Laureate whose voice commanded respect across continents—it was an extraordinary act of humility. Let me add that he also tried Izon local brew.
“By his presence, he honoured not only our family but also an entire community that had long felt disregarded, affirming that no place is too small, and no people too insignificant, to deserve dignity, learning, and hope.
“He spoke with genuine admiration of my late wife’s vision, courage, and steadfast determination, recognising in her work a powerful testament to what conviction and selfless service can accomplish. He said ‘I am not often impressed with people, but she has succeeded in impressing me with her drive, her vision and her total commitment.’”
‘Timi noted that Soyinka created more impact during that visit when he spoke to the youth of the Niger Delta whose militancy at that time had emerged as one of the defining challenges confronting the Niger Delta.
Soyinka offered a wise counsel urging them to choose dialogue over violence and a future built on peace, not conflict.
With characteristic moral clarity, he challenged them to embrace “intellectual militancy in pursuit of the region’s development—a powerful call to exchange the force of weapons for the power of ideas, knowledge, and constructive engagement.”
By his confession, ‘Timi’s reminiscences were not merely out of nostalgia, but because they spoke directly to the event of the day, or as he put it, long before “reclaiming the state” became a familiar phrase, Soyinka was already living it’s meaning.
Or how would you describe a man of Soyinka’s standing journeying to a remote community which many considered too insignificant to matter, just to inaugurate a library and spend a night among strangers without ceremony or pretence, in an environment of budding militancy—with violence on parade.
Soyinka’s act simply affirmed that the true measure of leadership is not the distance one travels, but the willingness to stand with people wherever they are. ‘Timi described this as principled leadership and accountability exercised with wisdom and humility.
On the of the theme: “Reclaiming the Nigerian State through Accountability, Justice and Civil Courage” the former managing director of NDDC said it speaks directly to the realities of the Nigeria—a country we inhabit and the nation we aspire to build.
His words: “Nigeria is blessed with extraordinary human talent, abundant natural resources and remarkable resilience. Yet we continue to fall short of our collective potential. Our national challenge has never been a lack of diagnosis; it has been a failure to act consistently on what we already know.”
It was his view that too often, the institutions designed to hold power accountable have been weakened, thus making justice, for many Nigerians, a privilege rather than their inalienable right.
Restating the virtues of the confraternity, he said: “This gathering cannot, in good conscience, speak of reclaiming the Nigerian state without confronting one of the cardinal evils that the National Association of Seadogs was founded to repudiate.”
That evil, called tribalism, has birthed partisanship, clannishness, ethnic chauvinism and statism, while the enduring values of nationalism, absolute honesty, absolute selflessness, and love for all have been neglected, said ‘Timi.
He asserted that, tribalism has become less an individual prejudice than a systemic condition, coursing through Nigeria’s national bloodstream and eating away at the very fabric of our society.
He noted that reclaiming the Nigerian state must therefore begin with reclaiming ourselves—by ensuring that the principles we so proudly profess are applied consistently, without fear or favour, irrespective of tribe, political affiliation, or the identity of those who wield power.
Ultimately, he said, “accountability is sustained not by laws alone but by the courage of men and women who insist that those laws apply equally to the powerful and the powerless.”
His position was that reclaiming the Nigerian state would not be achieved by a single dramatic event, but through the steady accumulation of principled choices by citizens who refuse to be indifferent, institutions that remain faithful to their mandates, and leaders who choose integrity over expediency and courage over convenience.
Falling back on his modest experience in public service, ‘Timi said the journey has reinforced one enduring lesson in him, that sustainable development cannot exist without accountability, and that where institutions are weak, hope gives way to cynicism; where accountability is upheld, even limited resources can produce lasting impact.
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He urged participants to see beyond the event of the day as they aim to rebuild Nigeria, knowing that “nations are not reclaimed by rhetoric alone,” rather, they are reclaimed “when conscience triumphs over convenience, when institutions are stronger than individuals, and when citizens summon the courage to do what is right, even when it is difficult.”
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