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Collapse After a Landslide: Starmer’s Fall May Not be The Last

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Starmer

By Azu Ishiekwene

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It was painful to watch him outside No.10 on Monday. Despite his immaculate suit and well-groomed hair, British Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer looked like he was facing a public execution.

Also read: Governor Dauda Lawal Signs Landmark Education Reform Orders, Rolls Out National Curriculum in Schools

The bespoke podium, which had been in use since David Cameron’s tenure, looked more like a stake, and Starmer’s valedictory like a miserere before the bullets would be discharged.

The carnage that British politics has become has just claimed its sixth prime minister in a decade. Britain is not doing as badly as Italy – yet – which had 50 governments and 15 prime ministers between 1946 and 1994, but at the current rate, it’s not doing badly at becoming Europe’s next Britaly, as The Economist once described it.

Which is all difficult to understand, given that for the two-and-a-half years of his premiership, Starmer never failed to remind voters that he came to power in one of the largest electoral landslides in recent British history.

Not entirely untrue. Labour won 411 of the 650 seats in the House of Commons, a majority of 174 seats over all other parties combined. Starmer’s Labour was the largest party in England, Scotland and Wales, and the first government since 2010 to end 14 years of Conservative rule.

Landslide, backslide

So, what happened? Boris Johnson, who had a chaotic and scandal-ridden premiership, has suggested that Starmer won because the Conservatives collapsed rather than due to voter enthusiasm for Labour.

He told Sky News that Starmer lost because he was a stumbling block who stood in the way instead of providing vision and leadership, virtues that I’m not sure Johnson would recognise, even in plain sight.

He was being half-clear. He conveniently forgot that his wrong-headed decision to remove Britain from the European Union is part of the price his successors, including Starmer, have had to pay. Starmer’s successor, Andy Burnham, will also be paying for it.

A study by researchers affiliated with institutions including the National Bureau of Economic Research and the Bank of England estimated that by 2025, Brexit had reduced UK GDP by between six and eight per cent relative to a non-Brexit scenario.

Business investment was down nearly 18 per cent, while productivity and employment also went down.

Post-Brexit, the British economy has been fragile, and the cost-of-living crisis has taken a toll on the middle class and pensioners. Young British adults are poorer than their parents were.

Complications, complications

Yet, none of this should have come as a surprise to Starmer. He knew that the economy was fragile, that the cost of living was rising, and public services were stretched when he campaigned to provide economic stability, fiscal discipline and a competent government.

When he positioned himself as everything to everyone, that strategic ambivalence helped him to win; it couldn’t keep him in power.

He not only knew the mess that Brexit had left the country in, but he also knew that the country was yet to fully recover from the COVID-19 supply chain disruptions and massive payouts, which added billions of pounds to the national debt, apart from the losses to fraud, estimated by a Reuters report at £10.9 billion.

The US-Israel war on Iran has piled on the chaotic fallouts of the Russia-Ukraine war, raising food prices and energy costs around the world and forcing many UK households to deal with levels of inflation that they had not experienced for years.

Every UK prime minister after Johnson – from Liz Truss to Rishi Sunak and Starmer – has had to contend with the economic legacy of three successive shocks: Brexit, the pandemic, the war in Ukraine, and now, the Middle East crisis.

Politics, poetry and prose

Yet, when politicians campaign, their poetry distorts our common sense, and we’re seduced by the hope that perhaps, just perhaps, it might be different this time.

But Starmer knew there was not much he could do. When he said before the election that Labour would not increase taxes, for example, he knew he would not find the money to plug the hole. So, he was forced to make a U-turn.

When he promised welfare reforms and fiscal discipline, he knew he was speaking with both sides of his mouth. But that was what his voters, especially his base and the campaign groups, wanted to hear.

And when he promised a clean, competent government – a departure from the sleaze years – Peter Mandelson was smiling, waiting to snooker him. The outcome was a shambles for the government’s reputation.

And when Starmer was boasting about a landslide, he knew that the result of the election that brought him to power was more nuanced. It was a victory by default.

While Tony Blair, for example, won 43.2 per cent of the popular vote share in 1997, Starmer won only 33.7 per cent, reflecting a far narrower popular mandate than he cared to admit publicly.

According to a YouGov Poll, among the people who voted Labour in 2024 and then participated in the 2026 local elections, only 46 per cent remained with Labour.

About 22 per cent moved to the Greens, 16 per cent to the Liberal Democrats, while 6 per cent moved to Reform UK.

With a drastic decline in public trust of politicians and public institutions, it’s not surprising that Starmer’s landslide fizzled before he could fully milk it.

The palace coup that forced out the Prime Minister was not because Labour MPs loved him less, but because they love themselves more.

Wheeling in Burnham from the shadows to No.10 was a move by the Backbenchers to buy time and fend off the lunacy of Nigel Farage’s Reform UK Party.

Talking big

Burnham has started by announcing big, obviously more left-wing Labour policies, from removing VAT on domestic electricity bills for six months to restoring the £2 cap on single bus fares across England, and from expanded housebuilding to greater public investment outside London.

He has also talked about increasing defence spending, while whispers of “nationalisation” have even been heard.

But it won’t be long before he might stumble on the question that has snagged his six predecessors: where will the money come from? Once upon a United Kingdom, when the country was at the peak of its powers, it controlled nearly 20 per cent of the world’s manufacturing output, which, of course, was after it robbed India, among others, of its pre-industrial manufacturing dominance and converted it into a primary producing country.

At the height of Britain’s influence, one-quarter of the earth’s surface was its farmland. Those days are gone.

Copying Italy?

The world has changed since Britannia ruled the waves. While Britain remains one of the world’s leading economies, its current sunset phase has taken a heavy toll on its prosperity.

Strong alignment with NATO and the European Community, which later became the EU, helped Italy navigate its turbulent years. Unfortunately, Britain chose to leave the EU when it needed it most.

The last thing the country needs is a premier who sells hope at a high price. Burnham positioned himself as a beacon for his stranded Labour Party.

Also read: Governor Dauda Lawal Signs Landmark Education Reform Orders, Rolls Out National Curriculum in Schools

Yet his record in Manchester urges caution. Already, he is making expensive, even extravagant promises that may come back to bite him. At this rate, he may well not be the last prime minister before the general election in 2029.

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Nigeria Must Sustain Power Rotation Arrangement, Says Babarinsa

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Veteran journalist and Chairman of Gaskia Media Limited, Dare Babarinsa, has called on Nigeria to sustain its informal power-rotation arrangement between the North and South, arguing that the system remains important for political stability and national unity.

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Babarinsa said the presidency should return to the North in 2031 and move back to the South in 2039, maintaining that the arrangement should remain in place until Nigerians develop a more suitable alternative.

He made the position known on Monday, November 2, while delivering a public lecture at the Press Centre, Iyaganku, Ibadan, as part of activities marking the 60th anniversary of the Oyo State Council of the Nigerian Union of Journalists (NUJ).

Speaking on the theme of Nigeria’s political arrangement and the future of the media, Babarinsa acknowledged criticisms of the rotational presidency, particularly from those who believe that every qualified Nigerian should be allowed to contest for the highest political office regardless of region.

However, he argued that Nigeria’s political circumstances make power rotation a practical arrangement for maintaining stability, even if it may not always produce the most suitable candidate.

According to him, the arrangement emerged from political negotiations ahead of the return to civilian rule in 1999, following the deaths of former military Head of State, General Sani Abacha, and the presumed winner of the June 12, 1993 presidential election, Chief Moshood Abiola.

Babarinsa recalled that after Abacha’s death in 1998, General Abdulsalami Abubakar assumed leadership and introduced a transition programme aimed at ending military rule by May 29, 1999.

He said the death of Abiola, who was detained by the military government, created concerns about the political future of the Yoruba people and influenced discussions over the region that should produce Nigeria’s first civilian president after military rule.

The journalist disclosed that he was among members of the Idile Oodua resistance movement who supported the position that the South-West should produce the first president under the new democratic arrangement.

He said he was subsequently mandated by members of the group to consult the late Ooni of Ife, Oba Okunade Sijuwade, who told him that traditional rulers across the country were also holding consultations on the matter.

According to Babarinsa, the discussions contributed to the emergence of two Yoruba presidential candidates in the 1999 election: former President Olusegun Obasanjo of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and Chief Olu Falae, who contested under the Alliance for Democracy and All Peoples Party coalition.

He also recalled that former Vice-President Alex Ekwueme disagreed with the arrangement, arguing that the South-East could not be bound by an agreement reached principally between political interests in the North and South-West.

Babarinsa said he agreed with Ekwueme’s interpretation that power should rotate between the North and South rather than among the six geopolitical zones.

He explained that the arrangement had continued through successive administrations, including the emergence of former President Goodluck Jonathan following the death of President Umaru Yar’Adua and the subsequent election of former President Muhammadu Buhari.

With President Bola Tinubu currently in office, Babarinsa argued that the existing arrangement should be sustained, with power returning to the North after the current administration and subsequently moving back to the South.

To support his argument, he compared Nigeria’s power-sharing arrangement with the confessional system adopted in Lebanon in 1943, under which key political offices were allocated to different religious communities to promote political balance.

He said Nigeria could learn from such arrangements, insisting that political compromises sometimes become necessary in countries with diverse ethnic, religious and regional interests.

“If we intend to keep Nigeria, then we need to make this special arrangement work until future generations are able to make a better arrangement,” he said.

Babarinsa reflects on Ibadan’s journalism legacy

Beyond the political question, Babarinsa used the lecture to examine the history of journalism in Ibadan and the contribution of the city to the development of Nigeria’s media industry.

He described Ibadan as a major centre of political and media influence, noting that its newspapers had produced some of the country’s most prominent journalists, editors and public commentators.

He recalled the establishment of the Nigerian Tribune in 1949 by Chief Obafemi Awolowo and the creation of the Sketch newspaper group in 1964 by the then Premier of the Western Region, Chief Ladoke Akintola.

He also highlighted the contributions of prominent journalists, including Felix Adenaike, Segun Osoba and Peter Ajayi, whom he described as the Three Musketeers of the Nigerian media during the Second Republic.

According to him, the trio wielded considerable influence in the industry through their leadership positions at the Tribune and Sketch newspaper groups.

Babarinsa also acknowledged the contributions of former journalists and columnists, including Alhaji Lateef Jakande, Chief Bola Ige, Chief Olabisi Onabanjo, Aare Afe Babalola and Dr Tai Solarin.

He said the history of journalism in Ibadan was closely connected to the political development of the country, recalling the debates on issues such as the International Monetary Fund loan, diarchy and rotational presidency.

The journalist urged members of the profession to preserve that tradition by ensuring that the media remained a platform for informed public debate and the promotion of ideas capable of strengthening Nigeria.

Media organisations urged to embrace digital transformation

Addressing the challenges facing the industry, Babarinsa warned that traditional media organisations must urgently adapt to the changing media environment or risk losing relevance.

He said the internet had disrupted conventional news production and distribution, creating new opportunities while also allowing unregulated online platforms to compete with established media organisations.

According to him, several traditional newspapers have established online platforms, but their digital presence has not translated into the level of revenue needed to sustain their operations.

He cited the decline of once-dominant media organisations such as the Daily Times and Sketch as examples of the changes that have reshaped the industry.

Babarinsa recalled that Sketch newspaper had a daily circulation of about 60,000 copies during the 1970s and 1980s but had since ceased publication, with its former premises converted into a shopping mall.

He also expressed concern over declining newspaper readership among young Nigerians, warning that a society with an increasingly uninformed population could struggle to appreciate and defend democracy.

The Gaskia Media chairman said media organisations must follow their audiences into the digital space and develop business models that can sustain quality journalism.

He disclosed that his organisation had also decided to strengthen its online presence through the publication of a digital magazine, beginning with an online news blog.

Journalists urged to defend democracy and uphold professional standards

Babarinsa further reminded journalists of their role in Nigeria’s democratic development, particularly during the struggle against military rule.

He said members of the Nigerian press had suffered imprisonment, exile and other forms of persecution in the fight for the restoration of democracy, with some journalists paying the ultimate price.

He maintained that journalists therefore had a responsibility to protect the democratic system and ensure that the country’s electoral processes remained credible.

With the 2027 general election approaching, he urged media professionals to play their part by providing accurate information and encouraging informed public participation.

The Independent National Electoral Commission has scheduled the presidential and National Assembly elections for January 16, 2027, while governorship and State Houses of Assembly elections are fixed for February 6, 2027.

Babarinsa said journalists must remain committed to the fundamental principles of the profession, stressing that factual accuracy should remain central to news reporting while allowing room for responsible advocacy.

He urged journalists to advocate for the national interest, rather than restrict their work to positions that may be politically convenient.

Calls for greater inclusion of young journalists and women

Looking towards the future, Babarinsa called for greater opportunities for young journalists and women in the profession, saying the industry must deliberately prepare a new generation of media leaders.

He cited the careers of prominent journalists who assumed major editorial and management positions at relatively young ages, including Peter Enahoro, Olusegun Osoba, Yemi Ogunbiyi, Yakubu Mohammed, Ray Ekpu and Adamu Ciroma.

According to him, the history of Nigerian journalism demonstrates that young professionals have consistently played important roles in driving the industry forward.

He urged established media practitioners to listen to younger colleagues, particularly members of Generation Z, and create opportunities for them to contribute to the future of the profession.

Babarinsa also called for more deliberate efforts to bring women into leadership positions, noting that the industry could no longer remain dominated by men.

He expressed optimism about the future of journalism, despite concerns over poor remuneration, declining newspaper circulation and competition from digital platforms.

The veteran journalist concluded by urging the profession to embrace change, drawing attention to the need for innovation in newspaper production, technology and audience engagement.

Quoting a principle he attributed to Professor Ladipo Adamolekun, Babarinsa said the media industry must adapt to changing realities to remain relevant.

“Adapt or Die!” he declared.

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