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Is Iran’s second liberation afoot?

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Iran

By Bola BOLAWOLE

Iran protests crisis deepens as economic hardship and repression threaten the grip of the Ayatollah-led government

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“No army can withstand the strength of an idea whose time has come”- Victor Hugo.

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Could Hugo’s assertion be what is happening in Iran as we speak? Has the time come for the Iranian people to liberate themselves a second time within a generation? Having moved from the Shah’s oppression to the Ayatollahs’ repression, are the Iranian people now ready – and, indeed, are on the move – to truly liberate themselves and be free?

Iran’s streets rage with protests in a classic demonstration of the often-stated but hardly-heeded saying that there is a limit to human endurance.

Leaders everywhere think little of the saying by the iconic United States leader, Abraham Lincoln, that “You can fool all the people some of the time, and some of the people all the time, but you cannot fool all the people all the time.”

Even if you hide under the toga of religion, you cannot fool all the people all the time. The veil, at some point, will be parted! After 47 years of Ayatollah rule, the scales are falling off the eyes of the Iranian people.

Nothing incites us better than our pocket. So, when our pocket speaks, no one needs anyone to urge us into action!

Hundreds, if not thousands, of protesting Iranians have been mowed down by the repressive Islamic regime; yet, the rage of the people is not abated, as they keep pouring into the streets of major Iranian cities protesting the parlous state of the economy and the repression that the regime has employed for decades to keep the population in bondage.

The cage of religion is broken and the people in their multitudes are escaped from the snares of the fowlers. When will the same cage of religion – employed by both Islamic mullahs and Christian religion preneurs – be similarly broken in Nigeria?

Even if the Ayatollahs escape the ongoing rage of the people, their end may not be far from sight. For one, President Donald Trump has promised the protesters that help is on its way, even as he urged them to keep the pressure on the regime. A panicky Iranian regime is begging for negotiations.

Besides, no kingdom and no empire lasts forever: Every despot has an expiry date. Like the Shah’s oppressive reign came crashing in 1978/79, despite US support, the reign of the Ayatollahs is also bound to come crashing someday, despite the deceit of religion woven around it.

Why do leaders fail to learn from history, thereby condemning their nations to move in cycles? The same factors that led to the fall of the Shah, propelling the Ayatollahs to victory, are similar to those leading to the collapse of the Islamic Revolution of 1979.

Consider this report, “The Shah of Iran, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, was overthrown in the 1978–79 Iranian Revolution due to widespread opposition to his autocratic rule, social injustice, economic mismanagement, and perceived subservience to Western powers.

Mass protests and strikes paralyzed the country in 1978, leading to his departure in January 1979.

“Key reasons for the Shah’s fall include: Political and social repression (and) authoritarian rule: The Shah’s government was highly autocratic, violating the Iranian constitution and repressing dissent through a powerful and feared secret police, SAVAK. Political parties, trade unions, and independent media were all suppressed.

“Western alignment and perceived puppet status: Many Iranians, from the secular left to the religious right, viewed the Shah as a “puppet” of non-Muslim Western powers, especially the United States and the United Kingdom, due in part to the 1953 CIA-backed coup that had reinstalled (the Shah) as an absolute monarch after he fled the country. His close ties with Israel further fueled this anti-Western sentiment.

“Disregard for Islamic tradition: The Shah’s aggressive modernization and Westernization programs, known as the “White Revolution”, clashed with Iran’s Shi’a Muslim identity and traditional conservative values, alienating many, especially the clergy. A controversial decision in 1976 to change the Islamic calendar to an imperial one was seen as a major insult to religious identity.

“Corruption and elitism: There was a widespread perception of extravagance and corruption within the royal court and ruling elite, which grew resentment among the general populace, including the poor and middle classes.

“Economic difficulties: Unequal distribution of wealth: Despite a rapidly-expanding economy and a windfall in oil revenues after 1973, many Iranians felt that the wealth primarily benefited the elite.

“Economic instability: The overly ambitious economic programs and a subsequent sharp economic contraction in 1977-1978, along with bottlenecks, inflation, and austerity measures, caused widespread disappointment and anger.

“Strikes: By late 1978, mass strikes by government and oil workers brought the economy to a halt, a critical turning point that paralyzed the country and weakened the regime.

“Rise of Ayatollah Khomeini and opposition unity: Khomeini’s leadership: The exiled cleric Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini emerged as a charismatic and unifying figure for the diverse opposition movements, which included left-wing, nationalist, and intellectual allies.

His messages, smuggled into Iran on thousands of cassette tapes, resonated with a broad spectrum of the population.

“Martyrdom cycle: A Shi’a tradition of commemorating the dead 40 days after their death led to a cycle of escalating protests and mass mobilization throughout 1978, strengthening the anti-Shah movement.

“Military’s neutrality: In the revolution’s final days, the Iranian armed forces declared their ‘neutrality’ on February 11, 1979, effectively removing the last pillar of support for the Shah’s regime and allowing the revolutionaries to take control.

“Ultimately, a combination of these deep-seated grievances, the Shah’s terminal illness (a secret at the time) which contributed to his indecision, the withdrawal of Western support under the (US President Jimmy) Carter administration’s human rights policy, and the organized, unified opposition under Khomeini created a ‘perfect storm’ that led to the collapse of the monarchy.”

Repression, religion and anti-American sentiments played pivotal roles in the Shah’s collapse. Riding on the crest of both to power, the Ayatollahs appear to have unduly overplayed their cards. Now, let us listen to a report of the factors leading to the Ayatollahs own collapse:

“Iran’s economy has been primarily damaged by a combination of international sanctions, chronic economic mismanagement and corruption, and an over-reliance on oil revenues.

“Key factors include international sanctions: Decades of strict sanctions imposed by the U.S. and other nations over Iran’s nuclear program, regional activities, and human rights record have been a major cause of the economic crisis.

These sanctions have severely restricted Iran’s access to global financial markets and crippled its ability to export oil, historically the cornerstone of government revenue.

“Economic mismanagement and corruption: Internal issues such as persistent government budget deficits, a lack of productivity, and widespread corruption have undermined the economy.

Government-controlled corporations, including those linked to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), often operate inefficiently, crowd out the private sector, and benefit from preferential access to resources.

“Oil dependence: Iran has been heavily dependent on oil revenues for its annual budget, making its economy highly vulnerable to fluctuations in market prices and international pressure. The inability to consistently export oil has led to severe revenue losses and fiscal instability.

“Currency devaluation and inflation: The rial (Iran’s official currency) has lost significant value over the years, leading to hyperinflation and eroding the purchasing power of Iranian citizens.

This makes basic goods and services unaffordable for many and has pushed a large segment of the middle class into poverty.

“Energy crisis: Poor maintenance, aging equipment, and energy price subsidies that encourage waste have resulted in a systemic energy crisis, including frequent power outages and a bottleneck on industrial production capability.

“Foreign military involvement: Significant financial resources are allocated to regional interventions and supporting allies abroad, which critics argue compete with domestic social welfare and infrastructure development needs.

“Brain drain: The lack of economic opportunities, political instability, and human rights issues have led to the emigration of millions of highly educated professionals, resulting in a substantial loss of human capital and potential for innovation and growth.”

From the above, it can be deduced that a major problem of the Ayatollahs was their foreign policy or national interest decisions.

They moved from an extreme pro-West position to a truculent anti-West posturing, unable to find a lasting accommodation with the West since 1979. They vow the destruction of the Jewish state of Israel.

They seek nuclear weapons at all costs. They support radical Islam all over the place, even antagonising moderate Islamic states to the bargain.

Iran and Iraq fought a gruelling eight-year war that drained both nations and served the interests of their collective enemies while setting the two combatants back by many decades.

Crippling sanctions imposed by the US-led Western coalition have dealt crippling damage on Iran’s economy, denying it of resources needed for national development.

Of course, there is the scourge of corruption and mismanagement. In the midst of all of these, iron-hand rule soon replaced the support freely given by the people.

Most, if not all, of the above factors must sound familiar to Nigerians. Every politics, as they say, is local.

Whatever politics a nation plays at the international level must not be allowed to have a telling effect on the local population.

Unmitigated corruption, insensitivity of leaders, undue dependence on oil revenues, incessant power outages leading to declining productivity and high unemployment rate, unbearable cost of living engineered in the main by a steeply devalued currency – all these are no citizen’s friends. Patriotism cannot be successfully preached to an empty stomach.

Also read: Chelsea and PSG Compete for Alvarez Transfer

Therefore, Nigerian leaders – and people – have a lot to learn from what is unravelling in Iran.

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Nigeria Must Sustain Power Rotation Arrangement, Says Babarinsa

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Veteran journalist and Chairman of Gaskia Media Limited, Dare Babarinsa, has called on Nigeria to sustain its informal power-rotation arrangement between the North and South, arguing that the system remains important for political stability and national unity.

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Babarinsa said the presidency should return to the North in 2031 and move back to the South in 2039, maintaining that the arrangement should remain in place until Nigerians develop a more suitable alternative.

He made the position known on Monday, November 2, while delivering a public lecture at the Press Centre, Iyaganku, Ibadan, as part of activities marking the 60th anniversary of the Oyo State Council of the Nigerian Union of Journalists (NUJ).

Speaking on the theme of Nigeria’s political arrangement and the future of the media, Babarinsa acknowledged criticisms of the rotational presidency, particularly from those who believe that every qualified Nigerian should be allowed to contest for the highest political office regardless of region.

However, he argued that Nigeria’s political circumstances make power rotation a practical arrangement for maintaining stability, even if it may not always produce the most suitable candidate.

According to him, the arrangement emerged from political negotiations ahead of the return to civilian rule in 1999, following the deaths of former military Head of State, General Sani Abacha, and the presumed winner of the June 12, 1993 presidential election, Chief Moshood Abiola.

Babarinsa recalled that after Abacha’s death in 1998, General Abdulsalami Abubakar assumed leadership and introduced a transition programme aimed at ending military rule by May 29, 1999.

He said the death of Abiola, who was detained by the military government, created concerns about the political future of the Yoruba people and influenced discussions over the region that should produce Nigeria’s first civilian president after military rule.

The journalist disclosed that he was among members of the Idile Oodua resistance movement who supported the position that the South-West should produce the first president under the new democratic arrangement.

He said he was subsequently mandated by members of the group to consult the late Ooni of Ife, Oba Okunade Sijuwade, who told him that traditional rulers across the country were also holding consultations on the matter.

According to Babarinsa, the discussions contributed to the emergence of two Yoruba presidential candidates in the 1999 election: former President Olusegun Obasanjo of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and Chief Olu Falae, who contested under the Alliance for Democracy and All Peoples Party coalition.

He also recalled that former Vice-President Alex Ekwueme disagreed with the arrangement, arguing that the South-East could not be bound by an agreement reached principally between political interests in the North and South-West.

Babarinsa said he agreed with Ekwueme’s interpretation that power should rotate between the North and South rather than among the six geopolitical zones.

He explained that the arrangement had continued through successive administrations, including the emergence of former President Goodluck Jonathan following the death of President Umaru Yar’Adua and the subsequent election of former President Muhammadu Buhari.

With President Bola Tinubu currently in office, Babarinsa argued that the existing arrangement should be sustained, with power returning to the North after the current administration and subsequently moving back to the South.

To support his argument, he compared Nigeria’s power-sharing arrangement with the confessional system adopted in Lebanon in 1943, under which key political offices were allocated to different religious communities to promote political balance.

He said Nigeria could learn from such arrangements, insisting that political compromises sometimes become necessary in countries with diverse ethnic, religious and regional interests.

“If we intend to keep Nigeria, then we need to make this special arrangement work until future generations are able to make a better arrangement,” he said.

Babarinsa reflects on Ibadan’s journalism legacy

Beyond the political question, Babarinsa used the lecture to examine the history of journalism in Ibadan and the contribution of the city to the development of Nigeria’s media industry.

He described Ibadan as a major centre of political and media influence, noting that its newspapers had produced some of the country’s most prominent journalists, editors and public commentators.

He recalled the establishment of the Nigerian Tribune in 1949 by Chief Obafemi Awolowo and the creation of the Sketch newspaper group in 1964 by the then Premier of the Western Region, Chief Ladoke Akintola.

He also highlighted the contributions of prominent journalists, including Felix Adenaike, Segun Osoba and Peter Ajayi, whom he described as the Three Musketeers of the Nigerian media during the Second Republic.

According to him, the trio wielded considerable influence in the industry through their leadership positions at the Tribune and Sketch newspaper groups.

Babarinsa also acknowledged the contributions of former journalists and columnists, including Alhaji Lateef Jakande, Chief Bola Ige, Chief Olabisi Onabanjo, Aare Afe Babalola and Dr Tai Solarin.

He said the history of journalism in Ibadan was closely connected to the political development of the country, recalling the debates on issues such as the International Monetary Fund loan, diarchy and rotational presidency.

The journalist urged members of the profession to preserve that tradition by ensuring that the media remained a platform for informed public debate and the promotion of ideas capable of strengthening Nigeria.

Media organisations urged to embrace digital transformation

Addressing the challenges facing the industry, Babarinsa warned that traditional media organisations must urgently adapt to the changing media environment or risk losing relevance.

He said the internet had disrupted conventional news production and distribution, creating new opportunities while also allowing unregulated online platforms to compete with established media organisations.

According to him, several traditional newspapers have established online platforms, but their digital presence has not translated into the level of revenue needed to sustain their operations.

He cited the decline of once-dominant media organisations such as the Daily Times and Sketch as examples of the changes that have reshaped the industry.

Babarinsa recalled that Sketch newspaper had a daily circulation of about 60,000 copies during the 1970s and 1980s but had since ceased publication, with its former premises converted into a shopping mall.

He also expressed concern over declining newspaper readership among young Nigerians, warning that a society with an increasingly uninformed population could struggle to appreciate and defend democracy.

The Gaskia Media chairman said media organisations must follow their audiences into the digital space and develop business models that can sustain quality journalism.

He disclosed that his organisation had also decided to strengthen its online presence through the publication of a digital magazine, beginning with an online news blog.

Journalists urged to defend democracy and uphold professional standards

Babarinsa further reminded journalists of their role in Nigeria’s democratic development, particularly during the struggle against military rule.

He said members of the Nigerian press had suffered imprisonment, exile and other forms of persecution in the fight for the restoration of democracy, with some journalists paying the ultimate price.

He maintained that journalists therefore had a responsibility to protect the democratic system and ensure that the country’s electoral processes remained credible.

With the 2027 general election approaching, he urged media professionals to play their part by providing accurate information and encouraging informed public participation.

The Independent National Electoral Commission has scheduled the presidential and National Assembly elections for January 16, 2027, while governorship and State Houses of Assembly elections are fixed for February 6, 2027.

Babarinsa said journalists must remain committed to the fundamental principles of the profession, stressing that factual accuracy should remain central to news reporting while allowing room for responsible advocacy.

He urged journalists to advocate for the national interest, rather than restrict their work to positions that may be politically convenient.

Calls for greater inclusion of young journalists and women

Looking towards the future, Babarinsa called for greater opportunities for young journalists and women in the profession, saying the industry must deliberately prepare a new generation of media leaders.

He cited the careers of prominent journalists who assumed major editorial and management positions at relatively young ages, including Peter Enahoro, Olusegun Osoba, Yemi Ogunbiyi, Yakubu Mohammed, Ray Ekpu and Adamu Ciroma.

According to him, the history of Nigerian journalism demonstrates that young professionals have consistently played important roles in driving the industry forward.

He urged established media practitioners to listen to younger colleagues, particularly members of Generation Z, and create opportunities for them to contribute to the future of the profession.

Babarinsa also called for more deliberate efforts to bring women into leadership positions, noting that the industry could no longer remain dominated by men.

He expressed optimism about the future of journalism, despite concerns over poor remuneration, declining newspaper circulation and competition from digital platforms.

The veteran journalist concluded by urging the profession to embrace change, drawing attention to the need for innovation in newspaper production, technology and audience engagement.

Quoting a principle he attributed to Professor Ladipo Adamolekun, Babarinsa said the media industry must adapt to changing realities to remain relevant.

“Adapt or Die!” he declared.

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