Opinion
Three Years of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu: Reform, Progress and Work in Progress
Tinubu economic reform gains: Nigeria records progress in fiscal, infrastructure and energy reforms, with inflation and insecurity still challenging
Reform, Renewal and the Repositioning of Nigeria (2023–2026)
Also read: Chief Abiola Ogundokun Visits President-Elect, Bola Ahmed Tinubu
INTRODUCTION
On May 29, 2023, Nigerians entrusted the leadership of the nation to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu at one of the most difficult periods in Nigeria’s modern economic history.
The country faced a crippling fuel subsidy regime, mounting debt obligations, a fragmented foreign exchange market, weak investor confidence, insecurity, deteriorating infrastructure, declining industrial productivity, inflationary pressure, and severe strain on public finances.
The administration inherited an economy many analysts described as structurally weak and fiscally distressed.
Foreign exchange obligations had accumulated into billions of dollars. Fuel subsidy payments had become unsustainable. NNPCL remittances into the Federation Account had weakened significantly. States struggled financially. Local governments had little developmental impact at the grassroots. Several sectors of the economy were surviving largely through borrowing and unsustainable government intervention.
Under previous administrations, many states struggled repeatedly to pay salaries. During the Jonathan administration, over twenty-seven states reportedly faced severe salary payment challenges. Under former President Muhammadu Buhari, bailout interventions became necessary for several states, while Ways and Means financing expanded significantly as government increasingly relied on Central Bank financing to sustain the economy.
At one point, debt servicing reportedly consumed almost all federal revenues, while the country borrowed heavily to sustain fuel subsidies and recurrent obligations.
Nigeria was also operating a multiple exchange-rate system widely criticised as vulnerable to corruption, arbitrage, leakages, and unfair access to foreign exchange.
Crude oil production faced serious challenges, oil theft expanded, pipelines deteriorated, and even future crude production was reportedly committed in advance under forward-sale arrangements.
From his very first day in office, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu signalled that difficult decisions would be required to stop what many viewed as national economic bleeding.
His declaration that “fuel subsidy is gone” immediately defined the tone of an administration prepared to undertake painful but structural reforms rather than continue unsustainable economic practices.
Many observers believe the President faced two choices: either continue the old system and join the cycle of unsustainable spending, or confront the structural distortions directly.
The administration chose the more difficult path.
Three years later, Nigeria still faces major economic and security pressures, but many Nigerians, investors, development institutions, and private sector stakeholders believe the country is undergoing one of the boldest economic and institutional reform programmes since the return to democracy in 1999.
This assessment examines the administration under three broad categories:
THE BEST
Areas where reforms have produced the strongest visible structural impact.
BETTER
Areas showing major progress and positive institutional direction.
GOOD / WORK IN PROGRESS
Areas where reforms are ongoing but where Nigerians still expect deeper results and broader national impact.
THE BEST
1. Fiscal Reforms & Financial Restructuring
One of the biggest structural reforms under the administration has been the removal of fuel subsidies and the strengthening of public revenues.
The reforms significantly increased allocations to states and local governments through FAAC.
In May 2023, the final FAAC allocation under the Buhari administration was approximately ₦600 billion.
By June 2023, the first full month under President Tinubu, approximately ₦1.9 trillion reportedly entered the Federation Account, with about ₦1.2 trillion shared among the three tiers of government while substantial reserves were retained.
Average Monthly Gross FAAC Allocation to States
2023 — ₦379 billionQ1 2026 — ₦816.41 billionIncrease — +115.4%
Average allocations to the 774 local governments reportedly now exceed ₦400–₦500 billion monthly in several periods.
As a result:
States now execute larger infrastructure projects
Salary payments improved significantly
Local projects increased
Social intervention programmes expanded
Dependence on salary bailout funds reduced substantially
Today, many states are so financially stronger that several are competing to:
Build airports
Establish state airlines
Expand transportation systems
Develop industrial corridors
Upgrade healthcare and education infrastructure
Nigeria is gradually attempting to build its economy from the bottom up.
However, stronger transparency and accountability are still required.
2. Electricity Autonomy & Energy Reforms
One of the most historic constitutional reforms under the administration has been electricity autonomy for states.
Before President Tinubu, states could not independently generate, license, regulate, and fully manage electricity markets within their territories.
Today, every state now possesses greater constitutional authority to:
License electricity operators
Generate power
Regulate electricity markets
Build state electricity systems
As a result, many states are now competing among themselves to become the first to achieve stable 24-hour electricity supply.
This reform fundamentally changed electricity from being almost exclusively controlled at the federal level to becoming a shared national development responsibility.
The administration also intensified:
Rural electrification
Renewable energy projects
Transmission improvements
Metering reforms
Independent power investments
The CNG initiative also emerged as a major transportation and energy reform designed to reduce fuel costs and improve affordability.
Private sector participation expanded significantly through:
Dangote Group
BUA investments
Independent energy investors
Aliko Dangote also announced long-term electricity ambitions capable of contributing up to 20,000MW over time.
3. Oil, Gas & Refining Transformation
The oil and gas sector witnessed major restructuring.
Nigeria gradually moved away from heavy dependence on imported refined petroleum products toward becoming an emerging exporter through:
Dangote Refinery
Refinery rehabilitation
Increased local refining capacity
One of the most strategic interventions was allowing local crude transactions in naira for domestic refining support.
This policy helped reduce pressure on foreign exchange demand while supporting local refining operations.
Pipeline restoration improved significantly.
Oil theft reportedly reduced sharply through:
Enhanced surveillance
Metering reforms
Security coordination
Crude Oil Production
2023 — 1.19 million bpd2026 — 1.49 million bpdIncrease — +25%
NNPCL reforms under Mr. Bayo Ojulari introduced stronger professionalism and operational restructuring.
4. Infrastructure Revolution & Railway Expansion
The administration embarked on some of the largest infrastructure projects in modern Nigerian history.
Signature Projects
Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway
Sokoto-Badagry Super Highway
Railway modernisation projects
Federal highways and bridges
Both mega highways include future rail infrastructure integration.
Expected Benefits
Tourism growth
Coastal industrialisation
Agricultural logistics
Interstate commerce
Housing expansion
Marine economy growth
Regional integration
Between 16 and 18 states are expected to benefit directly from the Sokoto-Badagry corridor.
The administration also granted railway autonomy to states.
Before these reforms, rail transportation remained largely under exclusive federal control.
Today, states can:
Develop rail systems
Partner with investors
Expand transportation infrastructure
Lagos State is already taking major advantage of this reform through rail expansion.
Nigeria’s long-term railway master plan is expected to significantly reduce:
Transportation costs
Human movement costs
Logistics expenses
Cargo movement challenges
5. Education Revolution & Human Capital Development
One of the administration’s most transformative interventions has been in education.
Key Programmes
NELFUND
3MTT
TVET
DL4ALL
The student loan programme is increasingly viewed as a major game changer.
Many Nigerians now believe that any child can begin and complete tertiary education regardless of financial background.
JAMB applications reportedly rose significantly partly due to expanded access to educational financing.
Students in several programmes also receive monthly support stipends.
In addition:
Federal technical and vocational schools became tuition-free
Students receive upkeep support
Technical education expanded nationwide
Every state now has expanded technical and vocational opportunities through federal government interventions
The administration’s broader objective appears aimed at moving Nigeria from a purely consumption-driven economy toward industrialisation and skills-based production.
Another major achievement is industrial peace within tertiary education.
Unlike previous years marked by prolonged ASUU strikes, students who entered universities in 2023 are progressing toward graduation without nationwide disruptions.
6. Local Government Autonomy & Regional Development
One of the most historic governance reforms under the administration was direct allocation to local governments.
This reform has the potential to:
Deepen grassroots governance
Improve accountability
Expand rural infrastructure
Strengthen the micro economy
The six regional development commissions also represent deeper decentralisation of development planning.
Each geopolitical region now possesses stronger institutional platforms to coordinate:
Regional infrastructure
Economic planning
Development priorities
Strategic investments
7. Banking, Capital Market & Financial Stability
The administration introduced major banking recapitalisation reforms through the Central Bank of Nigeria.
The reforms strengthened:
Bank balance sheets
Investor confidence
Industrial financing capacity
Long-term lending potential
Nigerian Stock Market Growth
May 2023 — 52,751.432026 — 249,738.84Growth — +373%
Nigeria’s stock market became one of the strongest-performing markets globally during the period.
Foreign Reserves
2023 — Approximately $3–4 billion under severe pressure levels2026 — Approximately $48–49 billion
The administration also reportedly:
Cleared major FX backlogs
Stabilised the CBN
Reduced direct monetary financing
Cleared IMF obligations
Nigerians can increasingly use naira bank cards internationally in selected countries without relying heavily on cash dollars or pounds.
BETTER
8. Telecommunications & Digital Economy
The digital economy received major policy attention.
Major Achievements
National fibre optic backbone expansion
Rural telecom infrastructure growth
Data hosting improvements
Broadband expansion
Increased digital connectivity
Nigeria is gradually positioning itself as a major digital economy hub in Africa.
9. Aviation & Ease of Doing Business
Before 2023, several foreign airlines threatened to reduce operations due to trapped funds.
The administration cleared major obligations and restored confidence.
Aviation Improvements
More direct international flights
Aircraft leasing partnerships
Aviation maintenance investments
Airport automation reforms
Nigeria’s aviation industry is now among the fastest-growing aviation markets globally.
Ease of Doing Business Reforms
Visa-on-arrival systems
Contactless passport processing
Airport automation
Cross-border banking expansion
10. Economic Diversification
Nigeria is gradually moving away from dependence on a mono-product oil economy.
Growth sectors increasingly include:
Agriculture
Mining
Telecommunications
Manufacturing
Housing
Technology
Marine economy
Aviation
Logistics
Mining reforms attracted increasing international attention.
The administration maintains that reforms are opening doors for private enterprise to help drive Nigeria toward a one-trillion-dollar economy.
Over two million Nigerians are reportedly working directly or indirectly across federal, state, and local government infrastructure and development projects nationwide.
GOOD / WORK IN PROGRESS
11. Inflation & Cost of Living
Despite reforms, inflation and purchasing power remain major concerns.
Inflation Rate
2023 — 20.06%2026 — 15.69%
Though inflation moderation is positive, many Nigerians still face:
High food prices
Transportation costs
Energy costs
Reduced purchasing power
However, food inflation has moderated compared to peak crisis periods.
The reforms remain painful for many households.
Citizens must also recognise that stable electricity, telecommunications, and modern infrastructure require realistic pricing and sustainable investment.
12. Security Challenges
Security investments increased substantially through:
Military hardware
Surveillance systems
Intelligence coordination
Forest guards recruitment
However:
Banditry
Kidnapping
Terrorism
Organised crime
remain major national concerns.
One of the most significant security improvements recorded during the period occurred in Nigeria’s South-East region.
When President Tinubu assumed office in 2023, many parts of the region were heavily affected by insecurity, armed separatist violence, illegal militia activities, and the enforcement of sit-at-home orders every Monday.
In several areas, criminal elements and armed groups had created severe fear within communities, disrupted businesses, paralysed economic activities, and challenged state authority.
However, through increased cooperation between the Federal Government, security agencies, and South-East governors, major security operations were intensified across the region.
Several militia camps were dismantled, many suspects were arrested and prosecuted, while enforcement of illegal sit-at-home orders weakened significantly.
State governments in the region also took firmer positions by insisting that:
Markets must open
Citizens must return to work
Economic activities must continue normally
As a result, the 2025 festive season in many South-East states was widely regarded by residents and travellers as one of the safest and most economically active periods in recent years.
Many Nigerians travelled across the region by road during the Christmas and New Year celebrations with significantly improved confidence compared to previous years.
Important National Reflection
Insecurity must never be tribalised, sectionalised, politicised, or trivialised.
Nigeria’s enemies are common enemies.
Those who benefited from:
Subsidy scams
Oil theft
Foreign exchange arbitrage
Economic sabotage
Corruption networks
may naturally resist reforms threatening entrenched interests.
The administration itself survived intense political and economic pressures during the reform process.
Many Nigerians believe there is still coordinated resistance against ongoing reforms.
Yet there remains belief that the country can overcome these challenges.
RECOMMENDATIONS
To strengthen ongoing reforms and deepen national impact, the following recommendations deserve serious consideration:
1. Strengthen Local Government Transparency
Quarterly financial reports should be mandatory for all local governments
Mid-year and annual performance reports should be publicly accessible
Quarterly town hall meetings should become compulsory
Citizens should have direct access to budgets and procurement details
Monitoring and accountability systems should be strengthened
2. Expand Informal Sector Enumeration
Claims that Nigeria has over 140 million unemployed people may not fully capture the realities of Nigeria’s large informal economy.
Millions of Nigerians operate daily within informal and self-employed sectors without formal CAC registration.
These include:
Vulcanisers
Tailors
Mechanics
Food vendors
Carpenters
Electricians
Barbers
Hairdressers
Plumbers
Fishermen
Meat and fish sellers
Market traders
Kiosk operators
Phone accessory sellers
Business centre operators
Informal transport workers
Security guards in estates and private homes
Gatemen
Street and traffic vendors
Many of these citizens earn daily income and support families despite not appearing within formal employment databases.
Therefore:
Every local government should establish local economic and statistical enumeration units
Informal businesses should be properly documented
Local economic data should be updated regularly
Grassroots business activities should be integrated into national economic planning
A stronger grassroots statistical framework will improve:
Economic planning
Tax administration
SME support
Credit access
Skills development
Social intervention targeting
3. Security & Community Intelligence
While awaiting constitutional approval for state policing:
Governors should strengthen Ministries of Security
Competent Security Commissioners should be appointed
Community intelligence systems should expand
Citizens must cooperate more closely with security agencies
4. Grassroots Economic Inclusion
Local contracts should primarily benefit qualified indigenous residents of local governments.
The objective should be to ensure that:
More money circulates within communities
Local businesses grow
Youth employment expands
Micro economies become stronger
The people must directly see and feel development.
FINALLY
Three years into office, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration presents a record defined by:
Fiscal restructuring
Banking reforms
Infrastructure expansion
Energy reforms
Educational interventions
Housing expansion
Agricultural modernisation
Technology development
Capital market growth
Telecommunications expansion
Security reforms
The administration maintains that these reforms are opening doors for private enterprise to thrive while positioning Nigeria toward long-term economic transformation.
Nigeria is not yet where it desires to be.
But many Nigerians believe the country is far from where it started the journey in 2023.
There is growing belief that there is now visible light at the end of the tunnel.
Ultimately, history will judge the Tinubu years not merely by reforms announced or projects initiated, but by whether these reforms eventually translate into:
Better living standards
Lower poverty levels
Stronger institutions
Greater national unity
Sustainable prosperity
Increased employment
Social stability
The journey remains difficult, but the nation must continue navigating carefully, patiently, and collectively toward stability and prosperity.
Also read: Tinubu’s Aide Sunday Dare to Deliver TheGazelleNews’ Anniversary Lecture
Let us keep hope alive and navigate the rivers safely.
By Seun Oloketuyi,
Former Kogi State Governor Alhaji Yahaya Bello believes one of the biggest lessons from his political experience is that money alone does not win elections. For him, where that money is directed can make all the difference.
Also read: Gbenga Daniel Urges Stronger Security at Freedom Online 7th Annual Lecture
Bello shares this perspective in Seun Oloketuyi’s forthcoming book, How to Win an Election in Nigeria, where he reflects on the political strategy behind his electoral successes in Kogi State.
According to him, campaigns should focus less on handing money directly to voters and more on building a strong political structure capable of mobilising support at the grassroots. “Fund your structure, not the voter’s pocket,” Bello said.
He argued that last-minute cash distribution should not be mistaken for a winning strategy, stressing that genuine political strength is built long before election day.
For Bello, the people and networks supporting a candidate are more important than simply having money to spend when voting is around the corner.
His experience in Kogi, he said, showed the importance of having a well-organised structure that could translate political support into actual votes.
Bello’s reflections offer a different perspective on the role of money in Nigerian elections, particularly the difference between spending to build political strength and spending simply to influence voters at the last minute.
Also read: Gbenga Daniel Urges Stronger Security at Freedom Online 7th Annual Lecture
More of his thoughts on electoral strategy, grassroots politics and the lessons from his years in Kogi politics are featured in Seun Oloketuyi’s How to Win an Election in Nigeria, scheduled for release on September 6.
Opinion
The Zamfara Masterminds: Loyalty, Structure and the Unstoppable Engine of the 2027 APC Campaign
By Adeola Agoro,
When in 2011 Abdulaziz Yari became the governorship candidate for the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) in Zamfara State just after one term of Alhaji Mahmud Aliyu Shinkafi, many political observers were not surprised.
Also read: Governor Dauda Lawal woos investors, highlights Zamfara’s economic opportunities at CEO Forum
Although Mahmud Shinkafi, former deputy governor to His Excellency Senator Ahmed Sani Yerima was one of the few deputy governors to ever be solidly supported by their former bosses to succeed them in 2007, political realignments and party shifts altered the dynamic relationship after a short while in office.
So it was no surprise when Abdulaziz Yari, a deeply loyal protégé and key political strategist of Yerima got the party ticket and won the Zamfara governorship election in April 2011.
Over the years, both Yerima and Yari have worked together to make the state a formidable political stronghold and a reference point for administrative continuity.
Unlike most states carved out of older states, which often grapple with initial structural hurdles, Zamfara State, since its creation from the old Sokoto State in October 1996 and its democratic consolidation under Senator Yerima’s pioneer executive tenure starting in 1999, has continued to stand tall and maintain a distinct, independent presence on the political map of Nigeria.
The Political Strengths of Yerima and Yari
Senator Ahmed Sani Yerima (The Godfather & Stakeholder Mobilizer): A consummate strategist and the undisputed patriarch of grassroots mobilization in Northern Nigeria, Yerima’s ability to build bridges across political, traditional and religious institutions gives him an extraordinary capacity to unite diverse interest groups and command deep-rooted loyalty at ground zero.
Senator Abdulaziz Yari (The Master Tactical Administrator & DG): A seasoned political organizer who served as ANPP State Chairman, House of Representatives member, two-term Governor of Zamfara State (2011–2019) and Chairman of the Nigeria Governors’ Forum (NGF), Yari brings fierce operational discipline, tactical executive coordination and national consensus-building skills to the table.
That both men who are undisputed political gladiators are now positioned at the core of the 2027 APC Presidential Campaign Council, with His Excellency Senator Abdulaziz Yari serving as Director-General and His Excellency Senator Ahmed Sani Yerima serving as Stakeholder Mobilizer, is a masterstroke in political planning, strategic alignment and electoral organization.
To understand the political weight behind the All Progressives Congress (APC) Presidential Campaign Council, one must look at the unique narrative of Zamfara State – a political domain built on deep-rooted loyalty, strategic leadership and administrative continuity.
When the political landscape was redrawn during Nigeria’s return to democracy in 1999, Zamfara stood ready to chart its own course.
Under the executive leadership of His Excellency, Senator Ahmed Sani Yerima, the state established a distinct identity, proving that it could stand tall, independent and politically formidable on the national stage.
The Unbroken Bond
Long before stepping into executive leadership, Abdulaziz Yari had built a reputation as an exceptionally loyal party administrator and key strategist.
Throughout these roles, Yari viewed Yerima not just as a leader, but as a political mentor.
Unlike many political dynamics across the country where mentor-protégé relationships fray over time, the bond between Yerima and Yari has remained unbroken.
Their connection is built on deep-rooted mutual respect: Yari has consistently maintained absolute loyalty to his mentor, while Yerima has always respected Yari’s sharp administrative mind and organizational capacity.
A Strategic Masterstroke for 2027
Today, the inclusion of these two formidable leaders at the core of the APC Presidential Campaign Council brings that exact same spirit of loyalty, structure and strategic brilliance to the national stage.
With His Excellency, Senator Abdulaziz Yari bringing his tactical discipline, administrative efficiency and nationwide consensus-building skills to the campaign as Director-General and His Excellency, Senator Ahmed Sani Yerima deploying his legendary grassroots influence and bridge-building capabilities as Stakeholder Mobilizer, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s re-election campaign possesses an unbeatable leadership engine.
While Yari coordinates the national operational machinery as Campaign DG, Yerima engages high-level stakeholders, political blocs, traditional institutions and grassroots groups across all 36 states.
Their combined track record, vast national networks and deep popularity bring an unbeatable structural shield to the presidential campaign, guaranteeing a sweeping, decisive victory for the APC.
Also read: Governor Dauda Lawal woos investors, highlights Zamfara’s economic opportunities at CEO Forum
Their story stands as living proof that when loyalty, strength, administrative genius and mutual respect come together, political success naturally follows.
By Bola BOLAWOLE,
You must have heard it said that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has the Nigerian media in his pockets. You may want to wonder how “deep” Tinubu’s pockets are that he can swallow all Nigerian media organizations! In some sense, that idiomatic expression can be true: Tinubu belongs to the tribe of a few Nigerians with “deep” pockets; meaning that they have near-limitless financial resources and clout with which they can buy or influence anything and anyone. Don’t forget that even the Scriptures say “money answereth all things” (Ecclesiastes 10: 19 KJV).
Also read: Governor Dauda Lawal And The New Zamfara State
You will also remember that a similar thing was said of the late MKO Abiola, winner of the annulled June 12, 1993 presidential election, the freest and fairest in Nigeria’s chequered history, but which was annulled for inexplicable reasons by military dictator, Gen. Ibrahim Babangida.
But is media ownership not too diffused in Nigeria to allow an individual to put the entire Nigeria media in his or her pockets – including even social media? Are proprietary interests not too conflicting and competing for that to happen? Are today’s Nigerian journalists not too educated, too enlightened, too sophisticated, too urbane, and too professional for a single individual to pocket all of them? What of ideological differences, with many journalists fiercely rejecting pecuniary, “brown envelop” and yellow journalism even at the point of the bayonet?
Many of today’s journalists are proud species and professionals to the core who are committed to their watchdog role of holding the government accountable to the people, regardless of whose ox is gored and without exercising any fear or favor. Yes, there are “white legs” in every profession but Professor Richard A. Joseph’s “prebendalism”, where sentiments such as religion, ethnicity, race, personal relations, and such other sense of entitlements trump merit will hardly allow for a single individual to pocket the media in its entirety.
I got thinking along these lines after reading two of my highly respected columns last Sunday. One was Sonala Olumhense’s “Sonala Olumhense Syndicated” titled “The 2027 election is a survey on stupidity” published on the back page of the Sunday PUNCH newspaper of August 30, 2026.
It was in a very, very bad taste. Sonala, as the Editorial Page editor of The GUARDIAN newspaper, had invited me to the Editorial Board of the then self-proclaimed (and justifiably so!) ‘Flagship” of the Nigerian media. In fact, my first-ever publications in any newspaper were in The GUARDIAN under Sonala’s editorship. They were titled “If I should die unemployed” and “How not to plead for prisoners of conscience.”
Sonala’s line of argument in his piece referenced above hurts, but not the choices he made because he is entitled to them – although, in the same breath, he had denied other Nigerians the right to make their own choices! That faux pas did nothing to diminish Sonala in my estimation, but I felt sorry he went overboard in his desperation to pull Tinubu down but, in the end, promoted vacuity when he said “When there is the kind of menace that APC represents, CREDIBLE OPPOSITION IS ANYONE ELSE (my emphasis) on the ballot.” No sir!
The second of my “Sunday tonic” that got me thinking was Idowu Akinlotan’s “PALLADIUM” on the back page of THE NATION newspaper of Sunday, August 30, 2026 titled “Osun, 2027: APC contends with hostile media.” Reviewing the Ekiti and Osun off-season governorship elections, the one won by APC and the other lost by it, Akinlotan concluded that the Nigerian media was (has become) anti-APC/Tinubu. Can that be true? When and where did it start? Was the media at any point pro-APC/Tinubu? What went wrong? First, snippets from Akinlotan’s piece before we draw our own conclusions:
“Hard as they tried, leaders of the All Progressives Congress (APC) failed to penetrate the reinforced armour of media establishments opposed to their electoral successes since 2023. The ruling party’s fortunes have not changed. Most loathe the ruling party. That the APC won in 2023 without their help and despite their opposition has left the said media enraged. As the party prepares for the 2027 campaigns, and given the unyielding posture of the said media houses, it must by now have made up its mind to go it alone. The party is unable to win new media friends, and has perhaps given up.
“To make a headway (in the) next polls, it must first reflect on the deeply contrasting Ekiti and Osun governorship elections. On June 20 and August 15, the two elections were conducted, barely two months apart, with few intervening variables, and in the same Yoruba region. If it hopes to win next year, it should review newspaper publications of the period June 21 and 22; and August 16 and 17, all representing before and after the poll reports. The media reports were both revealing and troubling.
“Before the Ekiti poll, the papers displayed a sense of resignation, warning darkly about the consequences of rigging the poll or denying the electorate the right to elect a governor of their choice. But the poll went seamlessly, the outcome predictable weeks before, as former governors of the state queued behind the incumbent, Biodun Oyebanji. For media houses which had repeatedly rhapsodised democracy and freedom of choice unfettered by electoral shenanigans, it was expected they would capture the popular mood and abjure the projection of their beliefs and prejudices on the electorate. From casting doubt on the integrity of the polls in their June 20 reports, the media went on, a day after the poll on June 21, to feign objectivity that Mr. Oyebanji was Ieading in the vote count amid vote-buying allegations, unconvincing turnout, and other insinuated malfeasances. There always had to be a but!”
Mr. Akinlotan was right to a great extent. I had written off the Ekiti election, ever before it was conducted, as a coronation of sorts because the opposition, embroiled at the national and local levels by court cases, INEC deregistration threats, internal squabbles and inability to form a united front, did not stand a chance in the election.
The media grudge that Akinlotan spoke about here was actually visible.
But when it came to Osun where opposition Gov. Ademola Adeleke was giving APC a hell of trouble, the opposition media, if I may call it that, came alive, and when Adeleke was coasting home to victory, they celebrated it the way they never celebrated Oyebanji in Ekiti; same when Adeleke was eventually announced as the winner of the election.
Let me start by saying that Akinlotan’s advice that Tinubu should ignore the “opposition” media and go it alone will not serve the president any good.
A better option is to find out what went wrong with a man who courted and cultivated the media, and who was loved and supported by it, and why the reverse is now the case – if we are to take Akinlotan’s narrative as the gospel truth.
Besides, enough evidence has emerged that elections are not won here on social media or by newspaper endorsements.
One: Tinubu started on a wrong footing with the first appointment of a spokesperson. The guy was clearly a misfit for the office. Two: The initial in-fighting within Tinubu’s media team seriously harmed and hampered their performance and dented their image. Three: The truculence of some of Tinubu’s presidential aides, instead of being accommodating and conciliatory, offended and isolated many of their professional colleagues. Four: Some names on Tinubu’s media team embarrass true professionals. Five: Has Tinubu’s media team been proactive enough? How often, how persistently, do they reach out to their professional colleagues with vital information? They should constantly court and cultivate their professional colleagues and not expect it to be the other way round.
Historically, the media is adversarial. It started by fighting the Colonial government for the country’s Independence. I do not think the media has totally purged that advocacy from its bloodline.
It is an aberration when we describe the government and the media as “partners in progress.” The media’s duty is to hold the government accountable to the people by constantly holding government’s feet to the fire – but it should also give kudos when it is richly deserved, just like Babafemi Ojudu did recently on the Lagos-Calabar expressway signature project of the Tinubu administration.
Traditionally, the media supports the underdog. In Osun, Gov. Adeleke was the perceived underdog whereas in Ekiti, the disparate opposition parties were the underdog.
Professionally, the media is sensational. Bad news makes better news. Hence we were taught that when a dog bites a man, it is not news but when a man bites a dog, bedlam! Sensational news sells newspapers better and faster. Ask readers themselves! They determine what they would like to read!
Respectfully, I do not think Akinlotan’s scare-mongering is the right way to go.
Tinubu should instead re-invent his media team to become more conciliatory and accessible to their professional colleagues – be they so-called opposition or friendly media. Engage with them more frequently.
If people are made to see the other side of any issue, many of them will become more supportive and compassionate.
When people are shut out, deliberately or inadvertently, you lose the right to complain that they are hostile.
Besides, dissenting voices oil the wheel of democracy. Effective media relations takes no one as an enemy but as inescapable partners in the same Nigerian project, even if we see things from different or conflicting prisms or perspectives.
Office-holders should always have it at the back of their mind that there is a terminal date to every appointment.
Also read: Governor Dauda Lawal And The New Zamfara State
If in doubt, ask yourself where are the men and women who occupied the office and sat on the same seat that you occupy today? You, too, will become history!
(Published in the TREASURES column on the back page of the NEW TELEGRAPH newspaper of Wednesday, 2 September, 2026).
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